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Rousay Crofters – Part 4


THE NAPIER COMMISSION IN ORKNEY

Part 4 of 4




Statement of
Lieut.-General F. W. Traill Burroughs, C.B., of Rousay, Orkney.

I think it right in supplement of the evidence given before your Lordship’s Commission in Kirkwall on the 23rd July 1883, to send you the accompanying copy, furnished to me by the procurator-fiscal of this county, of an anonymous threatening letter received by me on the 1st of this present month, the day on which, by the postmark, it was posted in Rousay. I have placed the letter in the hands of the authorities, and they have traced it to Sourin, the district whence came the Free Church minister and the disaffected who appeared from Rousay before you. The authorities are still engaged in tracing its author. The letter will show your Lordship and your fellow Commissioners the style of the witnesses who appeared before you, and of their friends; and that they are endeavouring to establish a reign of lawlessness and terror here, as in Ireland. May I request that this anonymous letter, of which I enclose a copy, may be printed along with the evidence in the case as affecting Rousay. Several anonymous communications have reached me since the meeting of the Commission in Kirkwall but the enclosed is the worst.

F. BURROUGHS.
TRUMBLAND HOUSE,
ROUSAY, ORKNEY, N.B.
22nd August 1883


Copy of a Threatening Letter sent to General Burroughs

GENERAL BOROUGHS,—Sir, I havee Noticed in the Papers that you are determined to Remove these Men that give Evidance to the Comission in Kirkwall, well if you do, as sure as there is a God in Heaven if you remove one of them there shall be Blood Shed for if I meet you Night or day or any where that I get a Ball to Bare on you Curs your Blody head if it dose Not Stand its chance, thire is More than we intended nail you. you are only a divel and it is him you will go and the sooner the Bitter, and if you should leave the Island if it should be years to the time you shall have it. O Curs your Bloody head, if you dont you devel the curse of the poor and the amighty be on you and if he dos not take you away you shall go So you can persist or not if you chuse but be sure of this you shall go. I state No time but the first Conveniance after there removal.

Envelope addressed thus :-

General Borougs C.B
Trumbland House
Rousay

Post mark on the envelope :- Rousay ‘Aug. 1, 83’



Alleged Evictions of Crofters of Rousay, Orkney.

I. – Statement by James Leonard, Crofter, Digro, Rousay.

Queen Street, Kirkwall.
28th November 1883.

General Burroughs having published a statement, dated 13th October last, on the subject of the crofters’ complaints, it is deemed of importance that his statement should be corrected (as The Scotsman newspaper of Edinburgh, through whose columns the statements appeared, refuses to insert any correction of the same), that full evidence may be before the Royal Commission. We were the more desirous of this, as the time at the disposal of the Commission in Kirkwall did not admit of the delegates stating all they considered should be known.

1. General Burroughs stated that the delegates were (some of them) not tenants of his, and that they did not represent the body of the tenants. On the contrary, all of the delegates were tenants under him, and had paid rent regularly, and that they did represent the whole body of the tenants almost without exception was shown, and is proved beyond doubt by the following facts. Shortly after the meeting of the Commission in Kirkwall an attempt was made in Rousay to weaken the testimony the delegates gave at that time. The form which that attempt took was that of a ‘memorial’ to the proprietor, Lieutenant-General Burroughs, in which it was stated that the statements of the delegates were not accurate, and had not been properly authorised by the tenants. It will be remembered that one of the complaints made by the Rousay crofters was that there was an amount of ‘landlord terrorism’ felt by the people that was unendurable. In view of this fact (which might have been kept in view by the promoters of an address or memorial got up to disparage this and similar statements), care should have been exercised to avoid the very appearance of the slightest exercise of the influence of proprietor or factor in connection with this memorial, especially in asking the people to sign it. The occasion, therefore, on which the proposed memorial was first brought to the light of day was, in view of these considerations, very unhappily chosen. It is an annual custom of the proprietor to have the school children of the island and their parents to Trumbland House (his residence) at the close of the school year to enjoy a picnic at Trumbland. In the course of this day, on which many of the tenants were present as invited guests, the memorial referred to was produced, and tenants were asked in Trumbland House to sign. Only one or two did sign – a fact which speaks for itself, and full of significance to all who know the courteous and obliging nature of Orkney people. Further efforts were made, however. The memorial was carried round the district of Wasbister by one who gave a whole day’s hard work, in which he visited every house (with two exceptions, we believe) in the district, but by which, after all this disinterested and zealous labour, worthy of a better cause, he only obtained two signatures. The other district of Frotoft was still more barren, and only produced one. After this it was judged needless to visit the other district, Sourin – in fact, nobody could be got there to take the thing round for signatures. This ‘very numerously-signed memorial’ has never been given to the public, nor seen the light.

2. As to the evictions from Quandale and Westside, General Burroughs said that it had been for the benefit of the estate, because they formerly brought him only £80, but are now rented at £600. This is an entire mistake. It is the farm of Westness – to which Quandale and Westside were added – which brings in the rent of £600, and, before Quandale and Westside were added to it, it was the most valuable farm in the island.

3. When asked by Lord Napier if he, General Burroughs, had ever evicted any without giving them another place on his estate, he replied that he did not remember any; but he might have remembered the following cases of recent date, viz., Edward Louttit of Westside; James Sabiston, Veira; Thomas Sinclair, Hurtiso; and Widow Gibson, Langskaill, – none of whom got any footing on the Rousay estate. Hugh Inkster, Hammer, and William Louttit, Faraclett, have also been evicted from their holdings, although allowed to remain in cots. These and others are in addition to the evictions formerly mentioned in Quandale and Westside, Nears, &c.

4. It is right to inform the Commissioners of the arrangement of the road and poor rates on the Rousay estate. General Burroughs stated before the Royal Commission that he ‘always supported the poor himself,’ but he did not state the local arrangement how he does this, viz., that the tenants pay all the road monies. How does this arrangement work? General Burroughs stated, in reply to one of the Royal Commissioners, that about £100 a year was spent by him on the poor. Now the tenants pay a shilling in the pound of rental, and this gives the annual sum of about £160. General Burroughs himself said, in reply to another of the Royal Commissioners, that the rental of his estate is £3256. Now, a shilling out of the pound of a rental amounting to £3256 yields about £160 a year of road rates paid by the tenants, as against £100 a year of poor rates paid by General Burroughs, the landlord. This is, indeed, a very fine arrangement for General Burroughs. He gets £60 more on the road rates than he spends on the poor. Is this just to the tenants? And how does he support the poor? He takes a very high road rate from his tenants, a shilling in the pound of rent – and he gives the poor a sheer starvation-rate of support. Details will prove this. He gives some of his pauper poor 16s. a year, others 32s., others £2, – and the highest, as was stated by the inspector of poor, is £4 a year. Well might one of the Royal Commissioners ask, ‘Is it possible for people to live on that?’ The fact is, the Rousay poor, whom the proprietor supports, would simply starve if their neighbours and friends did not take pity on them and support them. The tenants submit to this kind of treatment because they cannot see their fellow creatures die, and because they well know complaint to the estate management is useless and worse than useless, for while it would get no good to the poor, it would only bring down on whoever dared to breathe a complaint wrath, and more rack-renting, and, in good time, eviction – as witness what has now occurred, the eviction of two of the crofters’ delegates.

5. A special instance of the way in which the support of General Burroughs’ poor is managed was that of George Flaws, a poor, afflicted, but very deserving man at Frotoft in Rousay, in the spring of this very year requiring parochial relief. Did the proprietor provide it for him? What was done was this – the factor got men to go round and collect subscriptions from each house in the several districts for this poor man; the tenants, who pay double road money on the understanding that the proprietor will support the poor, thus supporting this poor man also. We would like to hear General Burroughs on this question of the poor and the roads. But we may say it has recently been decided, after several years’ investigation by the Orkney Road Trustees with reference to this Rousay road question, that it is illegal for tenants to pay both their own and the proprietor’s part of the road rates; yet this was done for years past here.

6. The painful duty has now to be discharged of reporting to you that since your sitting as a Royal Commission in Kirkwall, two of the crofters’ delegates have been evicted by General Burroughs, viz., James Leonard and James Grieve. General Burroughs obtained in the Sheriff Court at Kirkwall decrees for their ejectment from their houses and homes, and these decrees order that they shall not merely be removed from their present holdings, but that they shall not be received into any other house or cottage on the Burroughs’ estate. They are so evicted simply and avowedly because they appeared and acted as delegates They are both natives of Rousay, and related by blood or marriage to a large number of the people of Rousay. Neither of them were at all behind with their rent. A further hardship and wrong in their case is that both of them are evicted from houses which they built themselves at their own cost. First, James Leonard was the crofter of Digro. About sixty years ago his father reclaimed the lands of Digro croft from the ancient commons, or hill pasture, of Rousay and sat for many years there without paying rent to any man. For twenty years back James Leonard has been the crofter of Digro, under General Burroughs and improved the land during that time. Ten years ago he built a new house upon the croft at his own cost. From all this he is now evicted without compensation for any of his improvements or for the new house; but General Burroughs paid him a small sum for the fixture woodwork of his house, thereby acknowledging him, at any rate, as the tenant, which he had formerly denied. Second, James Grieve built a cot in addition to the steading of Outerdykes croft, which was his father’s before him, and from this, without compensation, he is now evicted. We protest against these evictions of men who simply did their duty as delegates of their fellow-tenants at the call of Her Majesty’s Government and Commission appointed for the very purpose of hearing evidence. I request in my own name, and that of my fellow-delegate, James Grieve, that you will report these evictions to Her Majesty’s Government, that they may, by Act of Parliament or otherwise, provide compensation for our loss and disturbance, and render such evictions, and especially the taking away of improvements without compensation, illegal. It is obvious that our eviction is wanton and unrighteous, and we claim that the commons be restored to the people and ourselves to our houses. We trust you will report these matters to the Government for redress without delay.

7. In his published statement General Burroughs professes to have been surprised at the evidence given before the Commission, and tries to create an impression that the Church and the influence of ministers in Rousay raised the crofters’ movement, especially that of the Rev. Archibald MacCallum of Rousay Free Church, who acted as one of the delegates and read their statement. This is an utter error, and is like the similar charge made by a factor against the Roman Catholic clergy in one of the islands of the Hebrides, which their bishop, Dr MacDonald of Argyle and the Isles, publicly declared was unfounded. We cannot understand General Burroughs’ surprise. He had only too many complaints and disturbances long before the Commission. Such were the disturbances, as was stated in the evidence, that both he and his factor went together and repeatedly visited tenants to secure quiet, and his law agent, the procurator-fiscal, Mr Macrae of Kirkwall, did the same, but with little success. General Burroughs then wrote to the Rev. Mr MacCallum to visit his tenants. It was by this act of General Burroughs himself that Mr MacCallum was first asked to intervene. And General Burroughs, by stating in his letter that, if quiet did not ensue, the subtenants would have to be removed, intimated that it was the arrangement of the land that was the cause of dissatisfaction and disturbance. Mr MacCallum replied that it was idle to expect peace here or elsewhere unless that justice, of which peace was only the fruit, was observed. It passes comprehension, then, how General Burroughs could pretend that all around him was in ‘peace, happiness, goodwill, and contentment’ until shortly before the arrival of the Crofters’ Commission. Mr MacCallum was south the whole time the agitation lasted in Rousay, away from the island altogether, till about ten days before the meeting of the Commission in Kirkwall. Immediately on his arrival home a deputation of the crofters visited him and asked him to help them in stating their evidence. He did not consent to do so on the first visit of the deputation, but only heard their wishes and promised to consider their request. On a second visit of the deputation he agreed to attend our last meeting, and read our statement.

8. Lord Napier asked – Is it a matter of discontent or suspicion in the place that the procurator-fiscal stands in the relation of a factor to the proprietor, or did he ever act as factor? I beg to inform the Commission that he did so act and that some time ago, when complaints were strong and numerous about high rents, General Burroughs spoke to him on the subject, when he (Mr Macrae) came out from Kirkwall and went over the island with the proprietor, and valued, or professed to value and even analyse the land. I do not know where he learned how to analyse or even value land, but certainly his way of valuing and the results were most extraordinary. He went about the island carrying a small garden spade, with which he dug up a few inches of soil here and there. I may mention the fate of this spade. It was as follows – He was digging a spadeful of the tough soil of Triblo croft, when the tenant warned him to be careful or else he would break his spade. But he replied, ‘No fear of that, I know what it can bear’ when immediately the spade broke. On another farm he said to the tenant that it was magnificent soil but for the amount of salt (whether too much or too little is not remembered) in it. The tenant answered, ‘that’s very strange, Mr Macrae, as a large practical farmer, who was here a short time ago, said the very opposite.’ How he professed to ascertain the amount of salt is not known, but sometimes he would dig up a handful of soil with his toy spade, then rub it in his hand, and afterwards taste it by chewing it in his mouth. In another place, he said no man could teach him how to value land, and that this land, if it was in the Carse of Gowrie, would be rented at £4 an acre. On the farm of Essaquoy, in Rousay, he came across a field which consisted of a bed of solid rock, covered with a thin layer of earth too shallow for the plough. He said to the proprietor, If this man (pointing to the tenant) had a little capital, he could, by blasting the hold, make splendid land of it and that he had seen this done in other places. The farmer replied, there was a little earth on it at present, but he was afraid that after the blasting there would be none at all. It is unnecessary to add that this way of valuing did not end in any relief to the tenants, although General Burroughs said at the meeting of the Commission in Kirkwall that ‘he always found the leanings of lawyers and factors were towards the tenants.’ I would respectfully beg the Commission to advise the Government that the office of procurator-fiscal should not be allowed to be held by any person who acts as agent, land valuator, or factor for any proprietor in the same county.

9. The Commission may be aware that shortly after the Kirkwall meeting General Burroughs received a post-card, and a letter said to be of a threatening character. From a second post-card, addressed to the editor of the ‘Orcadian’ newspaper, of 24th August last, professing to be from the author of the post-card addressed to General Burroughs, it would appear that no threats whatever were used in it, although strong opinions were expressed about the way General Burroughs had acted before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall. A threatening letter, however, is an odious thing, and I cannot believe that any one of the crofters ever wrote such a letter. The letter in question is supposed to be in the handwriting of a boy. At any rate General Burroughs acted as if he thought so. He inquired at the schoolmasters of Rousay if they knew the handwriting. It is a question whether it was competent for him, a magistrate, to act in his own case in this way.

After this the island was visited by a most imposing array of officials of the Crown. Sheriff-Principal Thoms, Sheriff-Substitute Mellis, Procurator-Fiscal Macrae, Mr Grant, county superintendent of police, and Mr Spence, clerk of the fiscal, sailed from Kirkwall in one of Her Majesty’s gunboats and landed in Rousay, in order to examine two boys. There was no evidence whatever against either of these boys except the handwriting of the letter was said to be like the handwriting of one of them. One of the boys was my own son, Frederick Leonard, aged fourteen, the other was the son of a neighbour who had taken a leading part in the crofters’ meeting – his age was fifteen. On landing at Rousay, Sheriff Thoms visited General Burroughs and remained in his company throughout the day. This indeed was nothing unusual, as the Sheriff always, when in Orkney, paid friendly visits to the general.

The fiscal, Mr Grant, and Mr Spence then came along to the schoolhouse, Sourin, Rousay. Mr Grant and Mr Spence went to the neighbouring farm of Essaquoy, where my boy Fred was herding cattle. They did not ask for me, or for his master. They did not show any warrant or summons. Without any previous notice or warning of any kind, and without stating any charge, they demanded that he should come along with them to the public school, where they said someone wanted him. The poor boy, entirely ignorant of their business, and no doubt alarmed, had to comply. On arriving at the school the scholars were dismissed, and after a good deal of shuffling and wondering what poor Fred was doing there, a clearance was effected. The tribunal sat, and Fred, without any friend to speak a word of comfort to him (for none of us knew anything about it more than if he had been stolen), was called to face them alone – enough to have deranged a nervous tempered boy. All things ready, pen and paper were handed to him, and he was made to write to dictation, which he did according to the best of his ability for a considerable time, until, as he expressed it, he was tired. The boy was made to write such expressions as ‘Curse your bloody brains.’ After this he was sent out of the school, and kept there in the custody of Superintendent Grant; was again called and shortly afterwards dismissed.

The reason of all this is still a mystery to me. The question very naturally suggests itself – Why was the poor herd-boy, who was apparently concerning himself as much about these things as the cattle he was tending, singled out? Was there anything peculiarly bad about him that he should be suspected? No; he bears a character as untarnished by vice as the general, or his friends the sheriff or the fiscal. Why then was he arrested? I cannot tell. It could be nothing against him in the eye of the law, that he was the son of one who acted as a delegate of the crofters.

The other crofter’s son, Samuel Mainland by name, was apprehended in the neighbouring island of Stronsay, on the following day, by Superintendant Grant. No warrant or summons was shown. They sailed from Stronsay for Kirkwall about one o’clock, and arrived at Kirkwall a little before twelve the same night – not having been offered food for ten hours. Nor did he receive any in the lodgings to which Superintendent Grant took him till the following morning, thus being twenty hours without food. At ten o’clock in the morning he was brought before Sheriff Thorns and Fiscal Macrae in the Court-House, Kirkwall, and was privately examined by them at great length, till close upon one o’clock in the day – nearly three hours. He was examined partly about the letter referred to, but principally about the meetings held by the crofters in Rousay – who was at them, and what was done at them – of which the poor boy knew little or nothing. He was asked, for example, what I had said at the meetings, and especially what I had said when the delegates landed on the shore of Rousay the night they returned from the Commission at Kirkwall. After this three hours’ examination was over, the boy was set at liberty, shown out of the Court-House, and left to find his own way home from Kirkwall to Rousay. It has been said to me by his father that the boy was not himself again for some time after undergoing this singular trial.

The following week Mr Macrae made another visit to Rousay, as fiscal, about this letter in which General Burroughs was threatened. The party then visited was also connected with the crofters’ movement, having attended the Commission at Kirkwall as one of their delegates, and read their statement. This next visit was to the Rev. Mr MacCallum, whom Mr Macrae visited at his manse, accompanied by Superintendant Grant and Mr Spence the fiscal clerk. This visit was the last they paid on this matter. Mr MacCallum threatened to report the whole proceedings to the Lord Advocate. He inquired on what ground Mr Macrae had thought proper to visit him in connection with such a matter. Mr Macrae, in reply, said he had been informed that Mr MacCallum had said that no native of Rousay had written the threatening letter, and that he had said so to the wife of a servant of General Burroughs. Mr MacCallum asked the fiscal, ‘ Did the woman pretend to think that he had any knowledge of who had written the letter, or that he had said anything that could mean that.’ Mr Macrae stated that he had visited the woman, and that she had declared that she had not any such thought at all about it. Mr MacCallum stated that in that case it was surely a very uncalled for proceeding to visit him in connection with that matter. These things are now stated for the information of the Commission, who may imagine the effect they were calculated to have upon a people unaccustomed to the law and its terrors.

I have to express my regret that is necessary to trouble the Royal Commission with this supplementary statement, but I submit it to you with the deepest respect, and out of a desire to do my duty, and give full evidence as a delegate to you, although I and my brother-delegate have suffered eviction from our houses and homes for simply giving evidence, according to our convictions before you. I request you will give full consideration to our case and our complaints, which are already before you. I beg respectfully to request that you will insert our supplementary statement in your report of evidence to Parliament, in addition to our former statement and evidence.

 JAMES LEONARD.


II. – Statement by Lieut.-General F. W. Traill Burroughs, C.B., of Rousay.

1 Athole Crescent, Edinburgh.

11th January 1884. Rousay.

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of a copy of a document purporting to be a ‘supplementary statement on behalf of the tenants and crofters’ of Rousay, and submitted to the Royal Commission (Highlands and Islands) by James Leonard, who styles himself – ‘Crofter, Digro, Rousay, and chairman and clerk of the crofters’ meetings,’ dated Kirkwall, 28th November 1883.

As requested in the letter forwarding to me the above document, I now send to the Commission a copy of a letter I wrote to the newspapers on the 13th October 1883 :—

To the Editors of “The Scotsman” and “Orkney Herald

THE ROUSAY EVICTIONS.

Trumbland, Rousay, 13th Oct. 1883.

1. SIR, – I observe in your paper of the 10th inst. a paragraph headed “Eviction of Rousay Crofters,” which proceeds to say that James Leonard and James Grieve have been warned out of their holdings.

2. Neither James Leonard nor James Grieve are Rousay crofters.

3. James Leonard’s father did up to his death, some months ago, hold from me a small farm named Digro, of about nine acres in extent, in the district of Sourin, Rousay. His son James, who is precentor of the Free Church here, never was my tenant, but he is anxious to be so; but after having poured out a string of complaints in very uncomplimentary language against me, as reported in detail in some four columns of a local newspaper, in which he and the Free Church minister in this parish combine in describing me as un-Christian, inhuman, unrighteous, unjust, oppressive, &c, &c, James Leonard says, “he was always opposed to General Burroughs,” and would oppose me till death; that they had a local despotism which they wished removed; that “in every battle some had to fall; though he should fall in this battle he would fight it out.” and “a man’s a man for a’ that!” and other similar sentiments. As no business, whether of agriculture or of any other description, can prosper where such want of unanimity exists between those engaged in it, I decline to accept him as a tenant. And I do not think any other employer would employ anyone who threatened to be so troublesome. He is by trade a mason and a weaver, and he is a teacher of singing, and is not dependent upon farming for a livelihood.

4. James Grieve, too, is not my tenant. He returned a few years ago from the colonies, boasting of having made money, and that he was looking out for a farm. He came to visit his brother, who is tenant of Outerdykes in the district of Sourin, Rousay. He married a housemaid who had been some years in my house, and out of kindness to her, her husband was permitted to squat for a time on his brother’s farm to enable him to look out for a farm for himself. Years have passed, farms in various parts of this county have been advertised to be let, but James Grieve is still here. He joined the Free Church minister in his attack upon me, and said he agreed in his evil opinion of me; that my tenants were “in a condition generally of great and increasing poverty;” that they were ground down and oppressed, and generally most miserable. I have no wish that any of my tenants should be miserable, and not being desirous of being a party to James Grieve’s misery, I decline to accept him as a tenant.

5. I may add that when my wife and I left Rousay last winter, we left home and all round us in peace, happiness, goodwill, and contentment. We were on friendly terms with the Free Church minister, and had been so with his predecessor the Rev. N. P. Rose, who visited Rousay shortly before the arrival of the Crofter Commission. The only differences I ever had with the Free Church minister were differences of opinion on School Board matters.

6. From James Leonard’s father I never had a complaint during the thirty years I knew him. He was a very respectable peaceable man, and I had always been on the most friendly terms with him; From his son James too I never had a complaint, excepting in my position of chairman of the School Board, when he complained of inhumanity (a favourite expression of his) against a teacher. James Leonard called on me on the 29th September, and asked me whether I was in earnest in intending him not to have the farm of Digro? I said I was, and explained to him why. He said he had no ill-will against me; that he had been put up to it to appear against me, but that he did not mean it, and that he had been told that funds would not be wanting to oppose me.

7. From James Grieve, too, I never before had a complaint, excepting that he objected to pay for fuel, and that he wanted a farm, and there was no farm vacant to suit him.

8. My surprise, therefore, may be imagined at the torrent of invective that was so freely poured out upon me by the Free Church minister and his delegates before the Crofter Commission. On leaving home in my steam yacht on the morning of its sitting in Kirkwall, I passed the Free Church minister and his friends becalmed in a boat about a mile from Rousay. Seeing their difficulty, and that they might be too late for the meeting, I towed their boat some eight or nine miles into Kirkwall, which, had I suspected their spiteful attack upon me, I need hardly say I should not have done.

9. Since I succeeded to this estate it has ever been my endeavour to do my duty by it, and to advance the wellbeing and prosperity of all on it. The measure of success that has attended my efforts is apparent to all who remember Rousay then and see it now. To those unacquainted with the locality, I may mention that when I first came to Orkney in 1848 there were no roads in Rousay, and consequently very few carts. Now there are some twenty miles of excellent roads, and every farmer has one or more carts, and many have gigs and other description of carriages.

10. Then there was no regular post to the island, and no regular means of communication from the island to anywhere beyond it, or even to any place within it. Now there is a daily post to and from the island, and a daily post runner around it.

11. There was then no pier, and no public means of transit of goods to and from the county town. Now there is a pier, built at my own expense, and a steamer, of which I am the principal shareholder, plying regularly to and from Kirkwall, but which has not yet paid a dividend!

12. Then the houses generally were very comfortless, few had any place beyond a stone in the centre of the dwelling, with a hole in the roof above it. Now such an arrangement is hardly to be met with. Many new houses and steadings have been built by me at considerable expense, and to encourage comfort, prizes are annually awarded to the cleanest, prettiest, and best kept cottages.

13. Agriculture was then in a very primitive condition. Now as good crops of oats, bere, and turnips are to be seen here as anywhere in the kingdom; and the sheep and cattle will now bear favourable comparison with those of most counties.

14. We have, too, our local Agricultural Society, with annual ploughing and hoeing matches, and a cattle show. And we have our battery of volunteer artillery.

15. In fact, the Rousay of to-day is a very different place to what it was thirty-five years ago, and how anybody can truthfully say that the condition of its inhabitants is one of “great and increasing poverty,” as stated by the Rev. A. MacCallum, passes my comprehension.

16. Since I retired from the active list of the army, my wife and I have made Rousay our home. We have built a new house, and laid out its grounds, and have given much employment to those around us, and she has been the prime mover in all affecting the happiness and welfare of the inhabitants of the island, many of whom have written to us, and most of those whom we have met since the visit of the Crofter Commission have voluntarily told us that they did not share in the movements or sentiments of my detractors. And I have received most kind and thoughtful letters of sympathy from hundreds of old soldiers of my old regiment – the 93rd Highlanders – from all parts of Scotland, telling me “that they are full of indignation and anger at the treatment you have received, for they cannot think that he whom they served so long, and who treated them on all occasions with so much kindness and liberality, could behave so differently to others.”

17. My surprise, therefore, may be imagined at the torrent of invective poured out upon me by the Free Church minister and his friends.

18. And my surprise was still greater at receiving an anonymous threatening letter, a few days after the meeting of the Crofter Commission in Kirkwall threatening me with death should I ever remove a tenant from my estate. I have often been shot at before, and am not to be deterred from doing what I consider right by such a menace, which I can but regard as a new formula of the highwayman’s threat of old, now rendered as – “Your land, or your life !”

 I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

  F. BURROUGHS.


This letter answers, I think, all the charges now repeated against me in this document, and which I thought I had already answered in my evidence before the Commissioners at their meeting in Kirkwall on the 23rd July 1883. It also answers the series of attacks which have appeared against me, now under the signature of ‘James Leonard,’ and now under that of ‘James Grieve,’ almost weekly in the correspondence columns of the Orkney Herald newspaper, since the sitting of the Royal Commission in Kirkwall. I will therefore merely supplement in this letter whatever may not be sufficiently explained in my letter of the 13th October.

Before doing so I would wish to draw the attention of the Commissioners to the style and diction of this so-called ‘supplementary statement.’ It is not that of an uneducated labouring man in James Leonard’s position, although signed by him, but is evidently the work of the same person who drew up the ‘statement’ read before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall on the 23rd July I883. Some explanation of this may be gleaned from the remarks made to me by James Leonard on the 29th September 1883, as noted in the concluding sentence of paragraph 6 of my letter of the 13th October, when James Leonard told me, in the hearing of a witness: He had no ill-will against me; that he had been put up to it to appear against me, but that he did not mean it, and that he had been told that funds would not be wanting to oppose me. The conversation I had with him on that occasion was so remarkable, that after he left me I wrote it down and sent it to the procurator-fiscal of the county, as throwing some light on the secret springs of the agitation, which certain outside agitators were endeavouring to raise in Orkney.

I may also mention that in Orkney, where the true circumstances of the case are known, little sympathy has been expressed for the so-called ‘evicted.’ But endeavours are being made, by publishing distorted and untruthful statements regarding them, to extort money under false pretences from a sympathetic but too credulous public at a distance from and unacquainted with the true state of the case.

As I stated before the Royal Commission, and as I have repeated in my letter of the 13th October, I now reiterate that, from the many assurances to the contrary which both my wife and I have received since the sitting of the Royal Commission in Kirkwall from almost all our tenants, I am sure that the Rev. A. MacCallum and his delegates represent but a very small minority of them. I have fully explained in my letter of the 13th October what I stated before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall, and which I now repeat, that neither James Leonard (Digro) nor James Grieve ever were my tenants. Both their fathers were, but they never were; nor is either of them his father’s eldest son to give him any claim to succeed to any portion of an unexpired lease. The croft of Digro – some eight acres in extent, and abutting on the public road of Rousay – up to the death, in the winter of 1882-83, of Peter Leonard (James Leonard’s father), was held in Peter Leonard’s name at a rent of £4. Old Peter Leonard, according to his son James’s own statement before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall, had occupied this cot since 1823. James also says ‘All the land was taken in long before General Burroughs came to the island’ (1848). Old Peter had sat for some years either rent free or at a merely nominal rent, which in sixty years had been gradually increased to £4. So that, at the very low rent he had so long been paying, ample time had been allowed him to recoup himself with profit at compound interest for his reclamation and improvement of the croft. Peter Leonard was a contented, sensible, and cheerful man, too honest to ask for or to expect compensation for improvements, in addition to the concession of having been permitted to hold the land at the very low rent at which he had so long held his croft. James Leonard is not his father’s oldest son, and has no claim to succeed him.

Whilst I was absent from home serving in the army, and whilst there was no resident factor on the estate, without my permission, and without any permission that I can find any clue to from my factor, then resident in Kirkwall, James Leonard did erect a cot on his father’s croft, entirely for his own convenience, and where he lived rent free and was the better able to carry out his trades of mason and weaver. His father never lived in this cot with him, but lived in a separate house on the croft. When declining to accept James as a tenant, after his saying that he always opposed me and would oppose me to death, &c. &c. (as stated in my letter of the 13th October), although in no wise bound to recompense him (as admitted by himself in his evidence before the Royal Commission) for this structure, erected in defiance of the estate rules. I had it valued by two neutral persons, the one chosen by him and the other by me, and the price they appraised, what under other circumstances might have been due to James Leonard, amounting to about £26, I paid him. The donation of this compensation James Leonard twists into an acknowledgement from me of his being my tenant. I may here mention that no less than some fifteen persons – sons, daughters, and grandchildren of old Peter Leonard – under one pretence and another, were living on this eight acre croft of Digro at the time of his death. This could not have continued. I therefore declined to permit James, the mason and weaver, who was best able to provide for himself and his family elsewhere, to remain there. The others are there still.

James Grieve’s case is explained in my letter of the 13th October. He, too, never held land from me. He misleadingly states in the so-called supplementary statement that he had ‘paid rent regularly.’ The only payments he ever paid me were for the privilege of cutting fuel peats from the moss near his brother’s farm, where he was living; and these payments he paid very irregularly, and gave my factor much trouble in collecting them.

Under these circumstances, I would beg leave to ask – Would any one placed as I have been have acted differently? Had any one a candidate for a tenancy under him, or even a tenant, who told him that he had been opposed to him always, and would oppose him to death; and, in addition to this, were he to receive an anonymous letter threatening him with death if he declined to accept such a person as his tenant; would he, I ask, be intimidated into compliance? And, if so, in what state would the condition of affairs soon be? Not only have I, since last July, been thus threatened, but, seeing that the threat was lost upon me, an anonymous letter bearing the Kirkwall postmark, 20th September 1883, was sent to my wife (as if from her old housemaid, now Mrs James Grieve) threatening us with ‘the darkest page in Orkney history’ (which has some very dark pages) if she did not remove me and all Caithness men and strangers out of the island. I have no doubt in my own mind who were the writers of these two letters, but I have not yet sufficient legal evidence to convict them.

I am accused of bringing ‘landlord terrorism’ to bear upon my tenants to induce them to sign a memorial in my favour, whilst my guests with their children at a school feast which my wife has been in the habit of giving yearly to the school children. This is of a piece with other equally unfounded charges brought against me. My wife, whose one idea has always been to do good and to make happy all around her, was so hurt at the wicked and untruthful statements made by the so-called ‘delegates’ before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall, on behalf, as they said, of all my tenants, that she had resolved not to take any trouble on their account any more, and declined to give the children’s party. It was only after the many kindly greetings we received from all we met in Rousay, after our return from a short visit to Germany, and the many assurances they gave us that they had no sympathy with the agitators, and that what they said neither represented the feelings of the inhabitants of, nor had any weight in, our island community; and that the disappointment to the children would be punishing the innocent many for the discontented few, that she relented from her resolve and gave the party. She, however, purposely abstained from inviting a single parent, feeling that if the sentiments promulgated by the ‘delegates’ were shared in, as they affirmed, by the body of our tenantry, many of the usual faces seen at our former parties would probably be absent. A much larger number than usual of grown-up people did, however, appear at this party, and by their friendliness gave us to understand that they had come to show their goodwill towards us. The party went off very cheerfully. Its so doing, we were afterwards informed, was a fresh cause of offence to the agitators.

One of the principal tenants, after a meeting of the district road committee held that morning in my house, where, in the absence of any public committee room in the island, such meetings always have been held, did start a paper stating that the so-called delegates did not in any way represent the signatories of the paper. This paper was, I am told, taken round by our friends for signature, but was not numerously signed, from fear of the vengeance of the agitators; and to such an extent was this carried that, as stated in the so-called ‘supplementary statement,’ ‘nobody could be got there’ (in Sourin, in the neighbourhood of the Free Church manse)’ to take the thing round for signatures. Threats of vengeance and of destruction to stock, crop, and property were dealt out by the agitators, and this in an island ten miles by sea from the nearest policeman. The effect of this was that the peaceful and law-abiding, who had personally assured us of their disavowal of all connection with the delegates, withheld their signatures from the document for fear of the persecution and terrorism of the disorderly. To such a pitch had this attempt to establish a reign of terror in this hitherto quiet and peaceful island come to that the schoolmaster, the copy-books of whose scholars had been examined by the authorities in connection with the anonymous letters, and who had been south to get married, and who had now returned with his bride, was met at the landing-place by a party of roughs, who hooted and howled at them, and who also threatened with their vengeance the farmer who sent his carts to cart up their furniture and baggage from the shore to the schoolhouse. The school premises were damaged, and the inspector of poor, who had also befriended the teacher, was nightly subjected to their annoyance. A part of his enclosure dyke was knocked down, and his fishing-boat was broken. On hearing of this, I immediately personally visited the district, and called at the houses of the parents of the disorderly young men who had been led astray to break the peace, and I told the parents I would hold them responsible for the misdeeds of their dependants. I annex a copy (Enclosure 1) of a letter I wrote to a young man on this subject; and I am glad to say I have heard of no more disturbances since.

The signal failure that has attended the efforts of the agitators to continue to disturb the peace of the community shows the good sense of the great body of my tenantry, who, with the exception of a few in the vicinity of the Free Church manse, have stood aloof from this noisy strife. The so-called ‘evicted delegates’ have met with no sympathy in the island of Rousay, nor in the county of Orkney, where the true circumstances of their case are known. I have, therefore, no reason to alter the assertion I made before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall, that the delegates did not represent the sentiments of the great body of my tenantry. I sent to the chairman of the Royal Commission on the 19th September 1883 the following correction to my evidence in Kirkwall in respect to the farm of Westness and Quandale, viz., ‘The cots in Quandale and Westness which formerly (1842) brought in £75. 15s. plus £64. 16s. 9d., or, together. £141. 11s. 9d., after being consolidated into one farm, and after having had about 1500 acres of hill pasture added thereto, and after an expenditure of more than £3000 thereon (for building, dykeing, and draining), now bring in a rent of £600 a year.’ I at the same time corrected a calculation made by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, that ‘about £17,000 was spent on my house.’ The correct amount expended on my house and grounds (in building, furnishing, and laying out) up to the end of 1882 was £11,690. 3s. 3½ d., which is some £5300 less than stated by him. In paragraph 3 of the so-called ‘supplementary statement,’ I am charged with having caused the undemoted so-called ‘evictions,’ viz.: –

1. Edward Louttit. – I never even heard of this case before.

2. James Sabiston. – He had a lease from me in the island of Veira. At the expiry of his lease he declined a new lease.

3. Thomas Sinclair. – He agreed to rent from me the meal-mill of Sourin, together with the small farm of Hurtiso, on the understanding that his father was to start him in the concern. His father resiled from so doing, and the son had to give it up. Thomas is now living with his father in Rousay.

4. Widow Gibson (Langskaill). – Two brothers Gibson conjointly held this farm, and were, although on the best of terms, in one another’s way. One brother was drowned, and left his widow in very comfortable circumstances. At the expiration of the lease I renewed it with the surviving brother. The widow and her grown-up son took a large farm in another parish.

5. Hugh Inkster (Hammer) is a sickly man, unable, he says, to work, and consequently unable to cultivate his farm. He refused to pay school fees, and assaulted a teacher who asked for them. I left him in his house, and gave his land to another who was able to cultivate it. His wife brought his case before the Royal Commission at Kirkwall.

6. William Louttit (Faraclett). – His lease expired, and he declined a new lease.

None of the above cases are what are usually understood under the term ‘eviction’; nor has there, to my recollection, been a single case of eviction since I succeeded to the estate; nor was there in my grand-uncle’s time before me, for any person he removed he offered another place to.

Paragraph 4 of the so-called ‘supplementary statement’ is a tissue of mis-statements. Its writer says – ‘We would like to hear General Burroughs on this question of the poor and the roads.’ I accordingly append hereto (Enclosure 2) a tabular statement of the sums annually assessed and expended on account of the Rousay district roads, from 1841 to 1883, by which it will be seen that I have paid £510. 11s. 3d. in excess of my assessments. I have also at my own expense built a private pier, which is freely used by all, and which cost me some £640. During the same period there has been no poor assessment on the parish, but the poor of Rousay and Veira have been supported by me; and besides free houses and fuel, and in some cases land to cultivate, they have received in money payments, through the inspector of the poor, some £3100. The poor in this, as in other parishes, have been relieved according to their needs and their ability towards contributing to their own livelihood. I am now accused of giving to the poor ‘a sheer starvation rate of support!’ The best answer to this is that no valid complaint, that I can remember, has ever been made to the Board of Supervision of inadequate relief. Had there been any just cause of complaint, no amount of landlord terrorism would have stood in the way of its being published trumpet-tongued to the world. However, as the agitators are not pleased with the present arrangement, which they say ‘is indeed a very fine arrangement for General Burroughs,’ I have declined to continue it, and I have applied to the Board of Supervision to have henceforth a legal assessment imposed upon the parish for the support of the poor.

Paragraph 5 purports to give ‘a special instance of the way in which the support of General Burroughs’s poor is managed’ in the case of ‘George Flaws, a poor, afflicted, but very deserving man at Frotoft in Rousay.’ The statement regarding this poor man is very misleading and dishonest. G. Flaws was not a pauper at the time the subscription was got up for him. I was then in Germany. I heard from the inspector of poor of G. Flaws’s case, and that he had no wish to have his name entered on the roll of paupers; that he had stated, when called upon by the inspector, that ‘he still had of his own to do his turn.’ The inspector gave Flaws £1 from me to add to his own. He had been, when in health, an obliging man and a good tradesman, and very popular, and I understand that his friends did raise a subscription for him. This subscription was not originated either by my factor or myself, but by a fanner in Rousay. G. Flaws is alive, and able to state his own case.

Paragraphs 1 and 6 are so mixed up together that I have replied to them at the commencement of this letter. The long leases my tenants have enjoyed at low rents, and the amount of money that has been expended on estate improvements, as detailed in the ‘Memoranda of the extent of farms, their rental, and the sums expended upon them, and on the estates of Rousay and Veira generally, in way of improvements, from 1840 to 1882,’ as handed in by me to the Royal Commissioners at their meeting in Kirkwall, will, I think, fully confute any accusation of over-renting, and of want of compensation for improvements.

Paragraph 7 says that ‘General Burroughs tries to create an impression that the Church and the influence of the ministers in Rousay raised the crofter movement, especially that of the Rev. A. MacCallum of the Free Church in Rousay.’ From the inquiries I have made, and from all I have heard, the impression, I regret to say, has been forced upon my mind that the last and the present Free Church minister in the parish have not been unconnected with this crofter movement.

Paragraph 7 also states that General Burroughs ‘had only too many complaints and disturbances long before the Commission. Such were the disturbances, as was stated in the evidence, that both he and his factor went together and repeatedly visited his tenants to secure quiet; and his law agent, the procurator-fiscal, Mr Macrae of Kirkwall, did the same, but with little success. General Burroughs then wrote to Mr MacCallum to visit his tenants. It was by this act of General Burroughs himself that Mr MacCallum was first asked to intervene. And General Burroughs, by stating in his letter that, if quiet did not ensue, the sub-tenants would have to be removed, intimated that it was the arrangement of the land that was the cause of dissatisfaction and disturbance.’ The truth of this much distorted statement is, as I stated in my evidence before the Royal Commission in Kirkwall, that a quarrel took place in the district of Wasbister (Rousay) between a farmer’s wife and the sister of another farmer. I was appealed to as a justice of the peace by the farmer’s wife, and had almost succeeded in making peace between them. I also wrote to Mr MacCallum, as they were members of his congregation, and asked him to call upon them. After this visit the matter got worse, and it was ultimately brought before the sheriff-substitute; and although decided by him, a considerable amount of ill feeling survived, and this was shown in various spiteful acts. The husband of the farmer’s wife complained to me of certain cottars, his sub-tenants, who, he said, had sided against his wife, who is a stranger to the county, and had been very rude to her. I considered the cottars were to blame; and I told them that if they could not live at peace with their neighbours they would have to remove. As before said, the case was dealt with by the sheriff-substitute, and a record of it will be found in Court-books.

The remaining paragraphs of the so-called ‘supplementary statement’ are attacks upon others rather than upon me; and I have no doubt they will be able to give satisfactory explanations of them. In conclusion, I would beg to say that only about three years ago, when I returned home after a short absence, during which I had been promoted to be a major-general, a large body of my tenants welcomed me on my landing at Trumbland Pier (Rousay), and presented me with an address of congratulation on my ‘well-earned promotion,’ and they expressed the hope that I was now about to retire from war’s alarms, and quietly settle down for the rest of my life at home. They took the horses out of my carriage, and dragged it up the avenue to my house. Nothing in the interval between that time and the visit of the Royal Commission to Orkney had occurred to disturb the good feeling then subsisting between my tenants and myself. I left home in the winter of 1882-83, and paid a visit to the Continent. On my return in July 1883, to my very great surprise, I found myself suddenly and unexpectedly assailed in the very spiteful manner in which I was attacked by certain so-called delegates before the Royal Commission. The more I have inquired into this agitation, the more convinced I am that it is an exotic product which has been fostered into growth by the unscrupulous agency of outside agitators.

 F. BURROUGHS, Lieut-General


ENCLOSURE 1.

Copy of a letter (omitting persons’ names) addressed to a Young Man, on the subject of attempting to establish a Reign of Terror in the District of Sourin, Rousay, Orkney, N.B., by Lieut-General F.W.T. Burroughs.

Trumbland, Rousay.

General Burroughs has received Mr X’s note of the 8th inst. He is as much surprised and grieved as Mr X says he himself is to think that Mr X has made the mistake of taking himself for another, for General Burroughs never mentioned Mr X’s name when he called at Y. His visit was a friendly one to Mr X’s father, for whom be entertains much respect and regard, to warn him ere too late to prevent any of his sons getting into trouble. For the very disgraceful proceedings at the arrival of Mr X with his newly-married bride had reached General Burroughs’s ears, and he had seen the damage that had been done by night to the school premises. He had heard that the young bride’s first exclamation on landing at Sourin and experiencing the very savage treatment she and her husband met with was, ‘Where have you brought me to?’ And well she might. If she writes to her friends in the south, which she probably has already done, and describes her first landing at Sourin, her friends might be excused in imagining that her husband had taken her off to Owyhee, where Captain Cook was murdered, and where they eat missionaries, instead of to one of the group of the islands constituting Great Britain. General Burroughs was very sorry to hear that one of Mr X’s sons was mixed up in this disgraceful affair. Just imagine if any of the people of Rousay when they go south were to experience on landing in Caithness, or at Aberdeen, Glasgow, or Leith, the treatment they accorded to Mrs X where would they think they had got to? And when people in the south hear how in Rousay they treat strangers arriving amongst them, it will raise very angry feelings towards them when going south to better themselves they arrive elsewhere as strangers. General Burroughs is very glad to hear that Mr X took no part in the late disgraceful scenes, and he hopes that none but the very foolish did so. It is General Burroughs’s duty as a justice of the peace to take notice of all irregularities occurring in Rousay; and in the execution of this duty, and for the peace and comfort of all the respectable residents in the parish, he will leave no stone unturned to bring delinquents to well-merited punishment, and he looks to Mr X and to all the respectable members of the community to do their duty by aiding him to do his. It is only by preserving peace and goodwill amongst the community generally that it can prosper. Those who stir up strife amongst us do so, however disguised their motives, to serve their own selfish ends, and bring misfortune upon their dupes. General Burroughs is very glad to hear that Mr X has no sympathy with such men.

10th October 1883.

N.B. – This letter was in reply to one from another son of the same man, who, to shield his brother, had cunningly saddled himself with the offence.

F. W. T. B.


Statement by John Macrae, Esq., Procurator-Fiscal, Orkney.

Kirkwall, Orkney, 8th January 1884.

I wrote you on the 19th ult. acknowledging receipt of your letter of the 17th forwarding proof of a statement to the Royal Commission (Highlands and Islands) by Mr James Leonard, and requesting any observations thereon which I might be disposed to offer. I stated that I would avail myself as early as possible of the opportunity afforded to me by the Commissioners. In now doing so, I shall confine my observations to the 7th, 8th, and 9th heads of the statement, being the heads in which my name appears.

In the 7th head it is stated that ‘such were the disturbances, as was stated in the evidence, that both he (General Burroughs) and his factor went together and repeatedly visited tenants to secure quiet, and his law agent, the procurator-fiscal, Mr Macrae of Kirkwall, did the same.’ I beg to inform the Commissioners that, as regards myself, the statement is not true. I never did visit, or was asked to visit, tenants to secure quiet. A precognition was taken in Rousay on 6th September 1881, under a warrant granted by the sheriff upon a petition at my instance as procurator-fiscal, with reference to a charge lodged by one female against another of assault by throwing dirty water; and upon the 30th September 1882 another precognition was taken in the island, under a similar warrant, with reference to a charge of malicious mischief, consisting of injuries done to a reaping machine and some scythes which had been left over Sunday in a hold adjacent to the public road. Neither of these cases disclosed any disturbance among the tenantry upon the estate. The case of assault arose out of a disputed right of footpath. The other was of a class that is not uncommon, when opportunity occurs, although it was the only case of the kind that had occurred in Rousay since 1873. The precognitions in both cases were, in usual course, submitted to the sheriff-substitute, who, in the case of assault, directed the accused to be tried summarily; and in the case of malicious mischief ordered no further proceedings, the evidence being insufficient.

With reference to the 8th head of the statement, I beg to inform the Commissioners that I acted as factor for General Burroughs for the period from 7th April 1874 down to the end of 1875. My predecessor was the late Mr Scarth of Binscarth, who acted as factor upon the property for about thirty years. When I became factor the whole farms and crofts upon the estate were, with a few exceptions, held under leases or sets for periods of years – the shortest period being seven years. It is untrue to say that there were then, or during the time that I was factor, ‘complaints strong and numerous about high rents.’ I should be much surprised if there had been, as Mr Scarth, who arranged the rents, was a proprietor and farmer himself, as well as factor upon various other estates in Orkney, and his sympathy with, and encouragement, in many substantial ways, of the tenant-farmers upon the estates of which he had charge, are well known. It is not true that General Burroughs spoke to me, either before or during the time that I was factor, about complaints being made to him that the rental had been too high; neither is it true that I visited any of the tenants or made any inspection of their holdings in consequence of such complaints.

When General Burroughs requested me to accept of the factorship after Mr Scarth’s retirement, I felt, and Mr Scarth concurred with me, that I could only manage the estate efficiently at a distance, by acquiring a minute acquaintance with the various holdings. Accordingly, of my own accord, I, in April 1874, immediately after my appointment, spent several days in inspecting farms, taking those first that might sooner require my attention than others. I continued this inspection during part of the months of September and December 1874, and would have gone on and completed my inspection of the whole farms if it had not become apparent that it would be prudent for General Burroughs to have a resident factor; and accordingly, in the summer of 1875, the present resident factor was engaged, and entered upon his duties towards the close of the year.

I do not remember the whole circumstances in connection with my inspection, but I can recall enough to enable me to state to the Commissioners, as I now do, that some of the details professed to be given in the statement are untrue, and that others are grotesque distortions or perversions of facts. If the Commissioners should desire it, I shall, from the recollections of the tenants whose farms were visited, and of General Burroughs and myself, compile a statement of the circumstances which, I should hope, would have at least the merit of being accurate. In matters of arrangement between proprietors and their tenants I have striven to keep steadily in view that their interests are in the main identical, and that a proprietor who wishes his farms well cultivated must take care that the tenants are not only suitable, but that they should have their farms at rents which will enable them to live comfortably and save something. It is only a matter of simple justice to the Orkney proprietors to say that they are fully alive to this, and, so far as I can speak from experience, they have not, on the whole, been unsuccessful in applying the rule.

I observe that the writer of the statement suggests that proprietors should not have the power of availing themselves, if they think fit, of the professional services of the person who may hold the office of procurator-fiscal. It is not proposed that tenants or any others should be deprived of this power, so I might let the suggestion pass. I can say, without boasting, that to more tenants in Orkney than proprietors, do I act as professional adviser, and that not a few of these are tenants in Rousay.

It may not, however, be out of place for me to refer the Commission to the fifth report of the Commissioners appointed in 1868 to inquire into the Courts of Law in Scotland. On page 45 of this report, the Commissioners state that they ‘approve of the mode in which these officials (procurators-fiscal) are appointed, and the conditions on which they hold office.’ They further state that a majority of them ‘do not concur in the suggestion that the procurators-fiscal should be prohibited from private practice, and think the effect of such prohibition might not unfrequently be to prevent the public from obtaining for this important office the services of the most suitable person.’ A minority who consider that the ends of justice would be better attained if procurators-fiscal were debarred from private professional practice are at the same time persuaded that this view could only be carried out by enlarging the present rates of salary allowed to these officers, and giving them a corresponding retiring allowance.

I may also refer the Commissioners to evidence taken by the Law Courts Commissioners on the point which will be found in their minutes of evidence. By referring to the index under the heading ‘Criminal Procedure – Procurator-Fiscal’ the portions of evidence dealing with the question will readily be found. Shortly after that evidence was taken, the office of fiscal for Mid-Lothian had to be filled up, and the view that the procurator-fiscal should not be debarred from private professional practice was acted upon. I may state that my own opinion, founded upon my experience here, is, that to continue a procurator-fiscal within a range narrower even than that of a sheriff or sheriff-clerk, would, especially in counties where the duties require only a portion of his time, be very prejudicial to the public interests. He could not possibly obtain that general knowledge of circumstances which presently enables him to decide at once upon the course of investigation which he should follow in any particular case; nor would he be able to conduct the investigation with that facility, discrimination, and accurate fullness of relevant detail, which are the results of a many-sided experience. In conducting important trials he would not, on account of his limited and intermittent experience and want of general forensic practice, be able to cope with lawyers in daily practice in matters civil as well as criminal. The result would be that a feeling of contempt for the administrators of the law would grow up in the minds of that section of the community whom it is desirable to impress with a wholesome fear of the criminal law, and with a sense of the efficiency of those who are called upon to administer it.

As pointed out by the Law Courts Commissioners in their fourth report, p. 21, the sheriff is the executive officer in matters criminal and the chief executive magistrate in every county; and in this county either the sheriff or the sheriff-substitute take the direction of investigation into crime of all classes, and dispose of all cases that may arise, determining whether there should or should not be criminal proceedings adopted; and, if criminal proceedings are to be adopted, whether the case should be tried summarily or reported to crown counsel. There is therefore no room for the procurator-fiscal to exercise any partiality, even if he were so disposed.

With reference to the 9th head of the statement, I may state that I acted under the immediate direction of the sheriff of the county, and under warrants granted by him, in consequence of a letter in the following terms having been submitted to him: –

‘General Boroughs, – Sir, I havee Noticed in the Papers that you are determined to Remove these Men that give Evidance to the Comission in Kirkwall well if you do as Sure as there is a God in Heaven if you remove one of them there Shall be Blood Shed for if I Meet you Night or day or any where that I get a Ball to Bare on you, Curs your Blody head if it dose Not Stand its chance, thire is More than me intended nail you you are only a divel and it is him you will xo and the Sooner the Bitter and if you Should leave the Island if it Should be years to the time you Shall have it O Curs your Bloody head if you dont you divel the Curse of the Poor and the amighty be on you and if he dos not take you away you Shall go So you can Persist or Not if you chuse but be sure of this you shall go I State No time but the first Convenianc after there removal.’

I am not at liberty to enter into the particulars which the precognition taken disclosed, but I may state generally –

(1) that a formal written complaint of the crime of writing and sending a threatening letter was, along with the letter and the envelope thereof bearing the Rousay postmark only, lodged, which necessitated the action of the sheriff in the matter.

(2) That that complaint was laid in due course before the sheriff, who happened to be in the islands at the time, and who granted the usual warrant for summoning witnesses to be precognosced. He intimated that he would (as he did) superintend the precognition himself and dispose of the case.

(3) That to carry the sheriff, sheriff officer (who happened to be also the superintendent of police), and myself and clerk as soon as possible to the Island of Rousay, the sheriff, who was sending the ‘Firm’ to Zetland on business of the Fishery Board of Scotland, arranged that we should start by early on the morning of the 16th August 1883, and be dropped by her en route which was done, and she proceeded to Zetland. No other means of expeditious conveyance could have been secured, and it attained the sheriffs object of reaching the island, and getting what information he could, without the visit and its object becoming known, as it otherwise would.

(4) That Frederick Leonard was not arrested, but sent for and voluntarily accompanied the messenger to my presence. He was precognosced by me in the public school where the other witnesses were precognosced. If he had been arrested, it would have been my duty to have had him taken forthwith before the sheriff for examination, which would have been done, as the sheriff was at the time in the island.

(5) The sheriff, after considering the precognitions, granted warrant for the apprehension of Samuel Mainland, and for his being brought before him for examination next day at Kirkwall; and Grant the officer, with this warrant in his possession, went off immediately and apprehended Mainland in Stronsay.

(6) I am informed by Grant, the officer who apprehended Samuel Mainland, that Mainland was offered and partook of food, consisting of herrings, oat bread, biscuits, and tea, along with himself and the boatmen while on the voyage to Kirkwall, and that on his arrival at Kirkwall he was offered but refused to partake of any food. I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of the officer’s statement. He is a most reliable and experienced officer, and I have always found him very considerate and humane in his treatment of prisoners. In the case of Mainland, the officer further says, that after taking the boy to Kirkwall, instead of placing him in a cell, he allowed him to sleep all night with a brother in his lodgings.

(7) The sheriff, to avoid Mainland’s detention longer than was necessary for the ends of justice, himself took the young man’s declaration at 10 o’clock A.M. next day, and, after considering it, and the precognition taken, liberated him. Everything was done as expeditiously as possible, and in ordinary course. Mainland’s expenses back to Stronsay could not be paid under the rules which obtain at Exchequer.

(8) The sheriff, before leaving for the south, instructed the sheriff-substitute to continue inquiries as to the charge. Hence I made other two visits to Rousay, and it was in consequence of a statement made by the Rev. Mr MacCallum bearing upon the crime which was under investigation, that it became my duty to precognosce him and did so.

[That concludes the proceedings, and subsequent correspondence]

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In Print

Rousay Crofters – Part 3


THE NAPIER COMMISSION IN ORKNEY


Part 3 of 4






James Leonard, Crofter and Mason, Digro, Rousay (46) – examined.

The Chairman asked: Are you a general builder ?

James Leonard replied: I build houses, but I am not a builder, I suppose, in the real sense of the term. Being a delegate from the crofters in Rousay, I have been asked to make a special request for them, and that is, that our proprietor will injure no person for giving their evidence before the Royal Commission.

Is the factor or proprietor present ?

I think they are both present.

[General Burroughs]. I am the proprietor, and my factor is also present.

Is General Burroughs prepared to give an assurance to the tenants on his property, that no prejudice will happen to them in consequence of what they state ?

[General Burroughs]. I am not prepared to do so. It is contrary to human nature, that I could treat a man who spoke of me so inimically as one or two have done here, in the same way as other men who are friendly disposed. Whatever I might say, my feelings could not be so, after the people have vilified me as they have done to-day.

You are not prepared to give that assurance ?

[General Burroughs]. I am not prepared to do so.

You are aware that you will have an opportunity, either in person or through your factor of making any statement you please afterwards ?

[General Burroughs]. Yes.

But notwithstanding that, you are not prepared to give any assurance ?

[General Burroughs]. I cannot have the same feeling towards them. I have tried to do my duty as honourably and justly as I could all my life, with these tenants as with everybody else, and I cannot have the same feeling towards the men who have come forward and stated the things that have been stated here. It is contrary to human nature to be so friendly disposed to them as to others who do not make these complaints.

But, General Burroughs, if I may take the liberty of saying so, I have not asked you about the state of your feelings towards them; I have asked you in respect to your intentions towards them.

[General Burroughs]. My intentions would be for them to go away simply. They are not slaves; they are free men and need not remain here if they don’t like. If they are not satisfied here they can go away. I have ninety or a hundred tenants, and there are only those four who are giving evidence, and some of those are not tenants. Grieve, who has been mentioned, is not on the tenant roll. Mr MacCallum is on the roll.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. We speak on behalf of all the tenants.

Well, but I want to arrive at an understanding with General Burroughs. I would ask you, General Burroughs, to consider this. That we are sitting here as a Royal Commission, and our object and our duty is to elicit the truth; and we have in other parts of the country generally found that the proprietors were willing to assist us to this extent – indeed to every extent, but to this extent particularly – that they have given us a public assurance, that nothing that their tenants will say, whether they consider it true or false, would have any influence on their conduct towards those tenants afterwards. In that way the Commission have had perfect freedom in their inquiry, and the witnesses have had perfect freedom in their statements; and we have experienced much benefit from that. It is true that the examination with reference to your estate, has nearly terminated, but still we might have occasion to ask something else, and the absence of an assurance on your part might have the effect of restraining the people from saying what they really feel. I would ask you to reconsider your statement, and say whether you are not, on reconsideration, able to state that nothing that is said here to-day will influence your action, towards those persons, whatever your feelings may be.

[General Burroughs]. I feel perfectly certain that whatever I do after this, will always be put down to this now. Mr Leonard will think – his father’s lease is up – if I were to remove him, that it was owing to what he said. Everything I do will be attributed to this meeting, and my hands will be tied completely. That is my feeling on the subject. Is the property mine, or is it not mine? If it is mine, surely I can do what I consider best for it? If these people are not contented and happy, they can go away.

Sir Donald Cameron:- Would you go to this extent, and say that anything you do on the estate will be done in connection with the proper working of the estate, and not in consequence of anything that may be said here? You have said you are afraid that anything you do, will be attributed to the result of this meeting. Will you state that that is not the case, and that you will continue to manage the estate to the best of your ability, independently of anything that is to be said here ?

[General Burroughs]. Am I to greet discontented people here? There is no satisfying some people: you may do what you please and they will never be contented.

I was only using your own words. You said everything you do would be attributed to what is said here. Now won’t you give us an assurance that nothing you do will be in consequence of any evidence given here, but in connection with the proper and right management of your estate ?

[General Burroughs]. I say I will do my duty honestly and justly as I have hitherto done.

And that what you may do will not be done in consequence of the evidence which may be led before us on the present occasion ?

[General Burroughs]. But whether my actions may be tinged in that way it is very difficult to say.

If you say they will not be influenced, that is all we ask. If the people attribute motives which are not accurate, we have nothing to do with that. All we want is an assurance that you will conduct the estate as you have hitherto endeavoured to do, and not make any alterations in consequence of the evidence which may be given.

[General Burroughs]. My intention is to try and make the people labourers, who are not able to work their holdings, and to throw their holdings into  larger  farms; but not to remove them from the land, and that is what I have done with Mrs Inkster. I left her husband in the house which he had.

The Chairman:- I understand that General Burroughs has not given a distinct unambiguous assurance that he will do nothing to any individual in consequence of what is said here to-day. If that is the case, it remains with the delegate to give evidence or not as he pleases. He must do it at his own hazard, as it is impossible for us to interfere between the delegate and his proprietor, or between the delegate and the law. We can give him no security, and no assurance whatever. He may therefore continue to give evidence or not as he likes.

[James Leonard]. I may go on. You see the state of matters, and you see the necessity for a change. I am very happy to see this Commission here to-day.

You are not bound to give any opinion upon the Commission, but you are to state your own case to the extent you wish.

I may state my case. General  Burroughs  says  I  am  always  opposed  to  him. I daresay he means by that, that I am gifted with a little common sense, and that when I see persons going wrong I am always trying for the right. That is the reason I have been so much persecuted. I challenge anyone to say I have been acting unlawfully in anything; and with regard to the statements made here to-day, why should they be angry at us for making our statement to the Commission sent down by Government? We are telling only the truth, and you are here to receive evidence of the truth; and because we do that we will be evicted from our places and holdings. Certainly there is much need for a change of the law, and security of tenure. I think you have the strongest evidence before you to-day that you have had, perhaps, since you left London; and although I may  have  to  leave  the  land, I am prepared to speak  the  truth,  and  will  not  be  cowed  down  by  landlordism. I consider as Burns says – ‘A man’s a man for a’ that.’

I think I must ask you to alter the tone of your evidence a little. This is not a proper place for making a speech or an address, and I must ask you to state your case in temperate language.

I will confine myself then to questions about my croft.

Not only about your croft but about the general case of the people, and your own case as far as it illustrates that; but do it in a quiet manner.

It rouses one’s feelings a little at times, my Lord.

You have heard the statement which the Rev. Mr MacCallum has made. Were you acquainted with that statement before ?

Partly. Mr MacCallum has had very little acquaintance with the subject, and could not give very good evidence on many points, because he has not been long in the place.

Is there anything now which you wish to add to the statement he presented ?

Well just about the little croft I have – if I may speak to it – it may throw a good deal of light on the subject

Well then let us hear your own case.

I occupied a small croft said to be about eight acres in extent. The house was built by my father on the common, and for a considerable time he paid no rent, because no man claimed it. There were different proprietors then.

About what time was that ?

I daresay fifty or sixty years ago, but I could not exactly state the time. Afterwards the lands came into the hands of one proprietor, the present.

On whose ground was the house built fifty or sixty years ago ?

No one claimed it to my knowledge; it was common.

And your father paid no rent ?

None.

And then it was transferred to whom ?

To General Burroughs. The whole came into his hands, and then rent was laid on amounting to thirty shillings.

When this transfer took place, who had been the proprietor connected with the common? You say it did not belong to anybody, but as there was a transfer, there must have been somebody who pretended to sell it ?

I could not say. I daresay the Earl of Zetland; or it would be the Crown.

But the common came into the possession of General Burroughs? How did he become possessed of it ?

Yes.

How did he become possessed of it ?

I cannot answer that question.

Was it divided in consequence of a process before the Court of Session ?

Not that I am aware of; I did not know of any adjudication, and the poor crofters did not know anything, but just had to pay the rent.

When was the croft added to these houses, or how did you get the croft ?

It was a heathery hillside, and by means of manual labour – for there were no ploughs – they turned some of the heather and turf, and broke out some small patches.

How much did your father take in altogether ?

It is said now to be eight acres, but I cannot tell you whether that is correct or not, because I have not seen the survey.

Was the whole of this land taken in before General Burroughs became proprietor ?

Long before.

When General Burroughs became proprietor, was it his uncle or himself ?

I think it was himself. I think it was in General Burroughs’ time. I don’t think my father paid any rent to the uncle.

Can anybody here state whether it was General Burroughs personally ?

[General Burroughs]. This croft was held from year to year till 1856, and after that the rent was £1 2s. for seven years. Then it was increased to £1 10s., at which rent he held it for other seven years. At the end of that time another lease was granted at £3; and since the expiry of that lease he has been a tenant-at-will, the rent being £1.

What I want to know is whether this man’s father began paying rent to you personally, or to some member of your family ?

He was one of the tenants on some land which my uncle Traill purchased from Lord Zetland. Lord Zetland sold to my uncle all he had in various parts of the island. This place Digro was part of it.

Was it in your own time or was it in the time of your uncle ?

It was in my time – about 1853.

What was the first-amount of rent paid ?

£1 10s.

How long ago was that ?

In 1856.

(To James Leonard):- When did your father die ?

Only last year.

It is your father’s case, in fact. What did your father do, and what rise of rent took place ?

At the time that he paid the £1. 10s. he had the use of all the hill pasture round him. We kept sometimes two or three cattle, two or three sheep, and so forth, and that increased until it came to £3. Still he had the use of the hill pasture, although it was increased to £3; but latterly the simple croft itself – eight acres, said to be – was £1. £1 was added to it, and at the same time the common was cut off at the very mark.

And when your father died last year, that was the state of the case – £1 for eight acres ?

Yes, and had been for some time before. He had not done anything with it for ten or twelve years before.

You had been acting for him ?

Yes, for more than twenty years.

Did your father have a lease of it ?

[General Burroughs]. I see that this was part of the land which Lord Zetland sold to me, and it appears in 1853 and 1854 to have been occupied by a tenant at-will, who paid £1. 2s.

When your father died did you remain in possession of the croft ?

[James Leonard]. Yes.

Are you in possession now ?

Yes.

At what rent ?

£4.

You are a mason; have you improved the house ?

There was no house there, and I have built a good house on it.

When you built that house did you make any stipulation with the proprietor or factor for compensation ?

None whatever.

Then you are at this moment tenant-at-will, and if you leave it, unless the proprietor chooses, you have no claim to compensation ?

None whatever.

You say there are about eight acres of it ?

It is said so; that is all within the fence.

What stock do you keep ?

One cow.

What else ?

Nothing; and that is rather too much for it.

How much have you got of it in cultivation ?

I could not be accurate, but perhaps three acres; but then we never get our seed out of it. I have had to purchase my seed all round for a number of years back.

Have you got constant employment at your trade ?

Not constant. I went to Glasgow one year for the summer.

But do you generally find employment as a mason on the island ?

Not generally; many times none.

When you work as a mason, do you work by the hour or by the day ?

Both ways.

What do you get an hour ?

The highest here is £1 per week. They don’t work much by the hour here. I have got twenty-four shillings a week – four shillings a day – but that is not general here.

What is the lowest wage you ever got ?

One and sixpence a day.

You mean that when you began working at this trade, the wages were not more than one and sixpence a day ?

I only got a shilling a day.

Was that as journeyman ?

As journeyman.

You mean since you became a competent mason ?

Yes; I have wrought at a shilling a day.

Then your wages as a mason have risen from one shilling to four shillings ?

Yes; but very few get four shillings with us.

Were they raised from one shilling to three and sixpence ?

No, to three shillings. That is the general thing. I have got four shillings because I was considered perhaps rather superior to some.

Have you anything else to state besides what we have heard on behalf of the people who have sent you here ?

I have to state that there is such an amount of landlord-terror hanging on them – I was asked to state that – that they would be pleased if the Commission would do what they could to have the cause of that terror removed. You cannot fail to see that that terror exists. I had a statement from another crofter, but I don’t think it necessary to read it.

You can leave it with us.

It just amounts to the same thing. I wish to refer to something that was mentioned in our statement. The expression occurred – ‘wanton and unrighteous conduct.’ I may give an example of that – the case of a woman in our island whom the proprietor visited, when she was on her death-bed. She had a small croft, and she would have to leave it, because he was going to give it to another person – a stranger. She said she would never leave it until she was put to a house from which no man could remove her. He said – What house is that? – and she said – ‘Where I will be buried;’ and he struck his stick on the ground and said, ‘ Would you like to be buried here on this floor?’

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- What is your authority for making that statement: was it the poor woman herself ?

More than that; there are witnesses beside me who can speak to it.

People who heard it ?

Yes.

Has the proprietor laid out much money in the improvement of the estate for the benefit of the small tenants ?

I am not aware of any for the small tenants, but there has been borrowed money laid out – I don’t consider it anything but a grievance, because 6½ per cent, has been charged for it, which is just adding to the rent of the farms.

I need not ask you if you concur in the statement read by Mr MacCallum ?

I concur in it fully.

It is not overstated ?

It is not, and you can see that.

You declare that upon full consideration ?

I do; I am in earnest.

Considering the responsibility you have to the public and everybody, you make that statement ?

I do, thoroughly and in earnest. We are in earnest about it. It is a shame the work that was in Rousay.

Are you a native of Rousay ?

Yes.

And have your predecessors been upon this place ?

Yes; but I believe I belong originally to the Highlands.

Do you concur in the statement by Mr MacCallum that he would know an Egilshay man by his dress and appearance ?

I would concur cordially in that, because they are so happy. They are just like living under Queen Victoria, they are so happy. We are under the despotism and terror of the landlord, and we want that removed; and even though I should fail in this battle, I will fight it out.

Rev. Mr MacCallum:- May I be allowed to make an observation? The question has been put to every witness if he concurs in the statement read by me. I would like your Lordship to put that question to all the delegates present – there is only one remaining – and it will satisfy your Lordship that the statement is that of the people themselves.

The Chairman:- Who are the additional delegates ?

The question has been put to James Leonard and George Leonard.

Is William Robertson here ?

No.

Who is the other delegate ?

James Grieve.

Who else ?

They are all present. I think you asked Mrs Inkster.

[That concludes the evidence given by James Leonard]


James Grieve, Cottar, Outer Dykes, Rousay (56) – examined.

The Chairman:- You have heard the statement read by the Rev. Mr MacCallum and the verbal statements made by James Leonard and George Leonard: do you concur with them ?

I do.

[That two-word reply concludes the evidence given by James Grieve]


Frederick William Traill Burroughs, C.B., Lieutenant-General,
Proprietor of Rousay (52) – examined.

The Chairman:- You inherited your property in this country from a relative ?

[Burroughs] From a grand-uncle, George William Traill.

Whose family were long connected with this place ?

Yes.

And also long connected with the county generally ?

He was in India in the Bengal Civil Service, and bought land here.

His father again was a proprietor in the county ?

No, his father was not; he went south and married a lady, with whom he got a lot of money.

In what year did you come to settle here ?

1873; I was until then in the army.

And you have been almost a constant resident ?

I am always here except for two or three months in winter when I go south.

And you are in the active management of your own estate ?

I have a factor, but I am answerable for all he does; he consults me about everything he does.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- You have been present here all day ?

Yes.

You have heard some of the statements made by the delegates and others from Rousay, and it is only fair that you should have an opportunity of making any explanation you think proper. Will you be kind enough to make any statement you wish ?

I have heard with the greatest astonishment what has been said. I have seen myself in a light in which I never knew myself before, and I cannot believe that what has been stated is the opinion of the people of Rousay generally. I think the delegates must represent Rousay much as the three tailors of Tooley Street represented Great Britain on a former occasion. I don’t think the respectables in Rousay are mixed up with this movement in Rousay at all. It has been said that the rental has been increased three-fold. Now I have made up since I returned home on the 18th – I was abroad in Germany, and hurried back when I heard of the visit of the Commission – I have not had much time, but I have gone through my factory accounts, and I have here a memorandum of the extent of the farms, their rental, and the sums expended upon them, and the estate of Rousay. The memorandum embraces the period from 1840 to 1882, and I find that in that time I have spent in round numbers £37,405. 17s. 9d. in improvements on the estate. But that includes the house I built, and also a sum of £3020 in support of the poor. We have no poor assessment in Rousay. And it also includes what has been spent on the roads, £2768, or £442 more than I receive under the Statute Labour Act. To give you a general idea of the rental of the estate, and what I have spent, I may quote some figures from this memorandum. And first on Viera – the Bu’ farm has a rental of £70, and I have expended on improvements £193; Castle-hill has a rental of £50, and I have expended on improvements £93; Cavit has a rental of £35, and I have expended on improvements £87; and so on it goes. And so it is in Rousay. Saviskaill has a rental of £120, and there have been expended on improvements £857; Langskaill, with a rental of £170, has had expended on it in improvements £510; Breval, 47 acres, rental £7, spent on improvements £14. 12s. Id., and so it goes on. I may mention that while Mr Robertson was factor for my estate until his death, and I came to settle here, the arrangement was that the tenants got new land on improving leases to take in common. The first seven years they paid 1s. an acre, the second seven 2s., and for the third seven 3s., on the understanding that they were to build the houses, and that at the end of the twenty-one years the place should be valued, and a small rent put on. I don’t think a single tenant has been removed, and very few have left.

Before you go farther, what length of lease had these people ?

They had twenty-one years’ leases, with a break at the end of every  seven. The delegates say they are reduced to great poverty in Rousay. I am sorry the Commissioners are not able to visit Rousay, and assure themselves of the state of the island. I have been told there is more than half a million of money lodged in the Kirkwall banks to the credit of Orkney tenants, not proprietors and I know the Rousay people own a good deal of that. One gentleman I was told, had £7000, another £3000; and a great many others more or less. I happened to find this out in Edinburgh, when speaking to a gentleman there. The rentals have been increased three-fold they say. Let us take Triblo (Grunstay), the croft of George Leonard. He was first a tenant at will, and then he got 20 acres at £2. 2s., and a fourteen years’ lease; then he got a seven years’ lease, from 1871 to 1878, for £5, and now he is tenant at will at £6. His land is very good. It has been mentioned that they had the whole of the hill to themselves, while I was in the army, and the intention was that they might cultivate their lands; but I found that instead of that they used to send their beasts to the hill and pay the rent that way, and neglect their crops entirely. I had about 4000 acres I did not get a penny for, and I thought I might try and earn an honest penny on it myself. I have had it enclosed – I have left the people some grazing still, however – and I have been putting sheep on it, and now I have let part of it. I offered it to the people, and none of them would take it. They say the rental of Egilshay has only slightly increased, but no money has been expended on it, and no improvements have been made whatsoever. As to the hill pasture I have spoken about, the rents have been raised and quadrupled, and this is the way that has been done. I think they have as much right to my common as I have to their clothes; the land is mine, and their coats and hats are theirs, and I cannot see how they can claim the pasture. It never did belong to them; it belonged to the various proprietors in Rousay, and there was a division, and each got his share. With regard to alleged needless evictions, I may refer to Westness and Quandale. I forget how many families there were, but the rental of Quandale was £80 a year. When the families removed, my uncle built other houses for them, and gave them other places; to all those who would take land, he gave land on the easy terms I have mentioned. Some remained and some went away, and now I get for Quandale and Westness £600 a year. Formerly it would not grow turnips, and now it turns out fine crops. I don’t know what Westness is compared with Quandale, but the two together are £600. But a great deal of money has been laid out on these places; on Westness there have been a good many thousand pounds laid out. On Westness and Quandale there have been expended £3676 in dyking, building, and draining.

Sir Kenneth Mackenzie:- On land which was formerly rented at £80 ?

I cannot say exactly, but I know it was something like that. I have my book here and I daresay I could find out.

The marches are the same of the land you are talking about ?

Yes, but I am not quite certain of the amount. Westness and Quandale consisted of various farms in those days, but there has been a wonderful change made now. The rent of Quandale alone was £73, apart from Westness.

What is Quandale alone ?

There were eighteen crofts in the year 1841 – that was before my time – and the rental was £73. I know there is an extraordinary difference now. Another year Quandale was £76. But as I said before, they were not needless evictions. The general people complained that they could not pay their rent, and used to suffer from the blast of the sea. They had a great many complaints, too, about their crops, and to do them good my uncle built cottages for all who would take them, and the cottagers now are about the most comfortable people in all Rousay. There is also an immense increase in the price of cattle. Forty years ago you could buy an animal for £3, and a sheep for 2s. 6d.; and now you will get £3 for a sheep, and £18, £25, and £30 for a beast; and the land has increased likewise. About the evictions I know nothing: it was before my time. With regard to the case of Hammer of which Mrs Inkster spoke, the reason they were put out of the croft was this – her husband would not pay his school rates, and when the schoolmaster went to him he was assaulted. The case came before the Sheriff. Inkster was a man who could not take care of the farm, and I proposed to reduce him to be a labourer. I left him his house, and merely took away his land and put it into another farm which I had built a steading, which had turned out too big for the extent of the land. I did not wish to be hard upon Inkster, and told him to remain in his present house, and as soon as I saw an opening I would put him into it, as I have done with several others on the estate. They talk about things not being as they ought to be in a Christian country. Well, I am afraid they are not; it would be better if they were more Christian. They want fair rent, security of tenure, and hill pasture restored. Well I know that, and I should very much like to have a fair rent. My wife and I go to Edinburgh every year, and we think we are highly rented, I should like to have a judicial rent fixed, and when we are placed to have fixity of tenure. Why should it not apply to houses if it is to apply to land? And why not have judicial prices for coats, and hats, and trousers, and every other garment – and beef and mutton and everything. Everything has its market price. It is further said in this paper – ‘oppression will make a wise man mad.’ This applies to a case from Hammer too. Two farmers’ wives quarrelled, and one threw some dirty water over the other. The case was brought before the Sheriff, and there has been ill-feeling between the parties ever since. Both have partisans, and one of them has been having partisans assisting him, and that is how the charge came about of destroying a plough and robbing him of his sheep. Mr MacCallum says the Egilshay people are a great deal better off than those of Rousay. I should like you to see an Egilshay person, and I think you would say the Rousay people are as good. I can show you a specimen of a Rousay man – will you stand up, Mr Reid?

Sheriff Nicolson:- Who is he ?

The inspector of poor.

[James Grieve]. He is not a Rousay man.

[General Burroughs]. Mr MacCallum said the people are fond of remaining at home. I suppose it is so, but I don’t know any family in Great Britain who are all at home. I know my brother is on the northmost frontier of China; I have sisters in England and one in China; indeed I don’t know any family who are all together. As to the diminution of boats at the herring fishing, that is because I have been discouraging the men from being both farmers and fisherman, and I think they find farming more profitable. I am glad to think some of them think I am a model to proprietors; yet they have abused me a great deal. With regard to the old belief that the commonty belonged to the people, I have already explained that it no more belonged to them, than their coats and hats belong to me. As to the sanitary state of their houses and the proximity of the byres, my wife and I have been doing our very best to get them to make their houses clean and nicer. My wife gives prizes every year for the cleanest and best cottage. We had a drill instructor there, and I put him into one of the worst houses in the place. This man in a short time whitewashed the house and made it a perfect cottage, and had creepers up the walls. After he left it the old occupant came back, and it soon got into a slough-of-despond state again. Some people cannot keep their places clean. It is also said the inspector of the poor has not the confidence of the people. I am chairman of the Parochial Board and I think him a hard-working, trustworthy man, and I think the respectables have the same opinion of him. The memorial I consider is a direct indictment against me. It says the law permits me to oppress. I never did so, and I don’t know how they are oppressed. They are not slaves; they are not obliged to live here; and if they don’t like the place they can go away. Whenever they think they can improve themselves they don’t remain in Rousay. When I ask about any young man who has gone away, they say, – Oh, he has gone away to improve himself.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- May there not be a reason why the people go away to better themselves ?

To better themselves, no doubt of it, and I am glad to see it.

Supposing you gave them encouragement at home ?

I do so to the best of my ability. You see what I have expended on public works; they have gone on ever since I have been on the estate. There is not a single man who need have nothing to do. I borrowed £10,000 and spent the half of it, and the rest is my own money. When I was away every man got one-third of his rental back for improvements, and I found that did not answer, for I saw dykes were commenced and never finished, and the money was expended in an unsatisfactory way. I said then, ‘all improvements now I will do myself.’ I said I would do it myself and make a rent charge. I have always had professional valuators to value every farm before it is let, and I always let under their valuation. They say I don’t listen to their complaints; I don’t remember a single case in which I did not, and my factor can tell you the same. I always visit their houses myself and act as I think right and proper. The question was asked, ‘Does the extension of the arable land account for the desertion of the fishing?’ I believe it does. There is a great extent of arable land now, and the farmers farm better than they did. The Rev. Mr MacCallum has only been three years in Rousay. It has been said the houses are overpopulated, and are in disrepair; and reference was made to box-bedsteads. Why, in all our castles in former times everybody had box-bedsteads. Every box-bedstead is like a separate apartment; and it is so all over the country. It has also been said that no leases are granted of holdings under £30; if you look at my statement you will find a great many under £30. No, the leases are not stated there, I daresay, but I can tell you what they are.

But you don’t state it absolutely ?

Well, there are a great many below that rent. To crofters paying under £4 or £5 I don’t give leases, because I desired these people to become labourers who did get employment about the estate and on the farms. I may say I don’t think there has been a single case of eviction; whenever a man has been moved he has been moved to another place. One gentleman objects to proprietors and factors, and he is down on landlords and the land laws. He says the houses let in water. It is almost impossible in Orkney to keep the water out. My own house was a very expensive one, and it gives me a great deal of trouble to keep the water out of it, in those terrific gales of wind we have.

Have you the option of a break in the lease ?

No, the tenants always have the option; I have not. I don’t think I have the option of a break in any single case. I gave a man a break at five years and built an expensive steading, and now the five years are up and he wants to take advantage of the break, and get a reduction of the rent. They say there is no inducement to improve, but a rise of rent put upon them. I don’t think that is so. If you look at my rental and the acreage you will see the rental is very low. It is always about 10s. and under, an acre. Some of the Flotta cottagers pay £1 an acre, but 10s. is the average. Some pay 3s., 4s., and 1s. There is a case mentioned of a man who took the roof off his house and put a new roof on. Well, anybody who knows about these houses, thatched with heather, knows it is necessary to do that every year; you always have to do that. My own experience is – and I have been a deal through the world – that I know no poor people so well off as those in Orkney, in any part of the world I have visited. They are as well housed as they have been accustomed to; they are well clad, and they have only to go to the shore and any man in a very few hours can catch as much fish as will keep him and his family a whole week.

[To James Grieve, who was making signs of dissent] Do you think not ?

[James Grieve]. It is not true.

[General Burroughs]. Well, I think they are well enough off.

[James Grieve]. I object to that altogether.

[General Burroughs]. I don’t know how many fish they will catch in an hour, but I know I have seen men taking them out as fast as they could. With regard to James Leonard, I may say that he has always charged 4s. a day for any mason work he has done for me, but I don’t know what he charges others. He is also precentor in a church, and he is very well paid for what he does.

[Mr MacCallum]. He has a large family.

[General Burroughs]. They are growing up, and some are herds and some this and that. The peats it is said are convenient, and with regard to sea-ware, it is there if they only take the trouble to get it.

The Chairman:- He said there was no road ?

He has to go through a neighbour’s land, but he is at liberty to go.

But is there a regular road ?

There is a regular road down to a field on the shore, and he would have to skirt the side of this field.

[James Grieve]. There is no made road.

[General Burroughs]. Not over this field, but the rest of the way there is.

[James Grieve]. It is only a bog in winter.

[General Burroughs]. Well, as I said before, if you are not satisfied you had better go away. To return to James Leonard, I observed that he spoke about his croft being very poor. I have hardly ever seen him at work upon his croft, and I drive round that way often. As to the story about Mrs Cooper on her deathbed, I can say nothing, I don’t remember any such thing.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. I had it from the lips of the woman herself and also from her daughter.

[General Burroughs]. That is possible, but I don’t remember it.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- Would you not express an opinion now, that if you said it you regret it ?

If I did say it, I am exceedingly sorry for it; but both I and my wife were very kind to the old woman and did everything we could for her. I wanted to give her land to her son and to let her remain. But she and her son quarrelled, and she would not hear of the proposal; and I believe she died on bad terms with him. If it is true that I said any such thing I am sorry for it; but I don’t believe I said it. They may have twisted something I said to mean that, but I did not certainly mean that. As to increasing personal expenditure, I see Mr Leonard and his family at church, and they are always dressed in the latest fashion, and I daresay that is where some of his funds go. I am told the use of wheaten bread is very much on the increase in Orkney; and a merchant at Kirkwall stated to me that at Lammas fair he turned over in one week £500, for flowers for ladies bonnets only, bought for farmer’s daughters and domestic servants.

[James Leonard]. I deny that statement.

The Chairman:- There must be no interruption.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. General Burroughs was allowed to interrupt.

I think it was only fair that he should he allowed to correct statements.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. We were interrupted.

[General Burroughs]. There were no roads in Rousay when I arrived there; there are now roads round the island. And there was no steamer then, and only a post once a week; now we have it daily, and there is a runner round the island. We have done all we could to improve matters. We have a steamer running regularly between Kirkwall and Rousay. Formerly there was only one clipper which used to make the journey between Leith and Orkney once a week, and now we have three or four steamers, which makes a greater demand for produce, and of course, the price of land rises. With regard to the croft of Digro, James Leonard was a tenant-at-will till 1856, and after that he paid £1. 2s. of rent for seven years, from 1856, after that it was increased to £1. 10s. From 1871 to 1878 he had a lease of it at £3, and then he became a tenant-at-will and pays £4. He has nine acres of ground. I would refer your Lordship and the Commissioners to the exports and imports of Orkney to give you an idea of how the country has improved within the last few years. I have not been able to make a list of  them, but if you see it in any almanac you will observe how the traffic  has  increased, the egg  traffic  alone  is  said  to  equal  the  rental  of  Orkney.  There  is  no  poor assessment in Rousay, I have  always  supported  the  paupers.  That  is  all I have to say.

The Rev. Mr MacCallum expressed a desire to say something. I don’t encourage interruption in the middle of a statement, especially when there appears to be a little excitement; but if Mr MacCallum wants to make a short statement or explanation of any sort he may now do it.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. I don’t think I am at all an interrupting party. I was myself interrupted in reading my statement, and General Burroughs was allowed to speak when our witnesses were examined. General Burroughs does not, he says, believe that it is the Rousay people who are complaining. Well, you have all the people of Rousay here, and they can be asked. The only man General Burroughs called, was one who did not belong to Rousay at all, although he was produced as such.

We cannot conduct an examination of this kind in the form of dialogue between witnesses.

Well, notwithstanding what General Burroughs said, I adhere to the statement I made; and as to the statement about Mr Leonard’s family being dressed in the highest fashion.

Excuse me, but I will ask Mr Leonard about that ?

General Burroughs referred to a phrase I used, that he was a model to proprietors. I did not wish anything to be built upon that contradictory of the statements. When I said that, I referred merely to his private capacity, and with that we have nothing to do in this inquiry. It has been mentioned that there is no poor assessment in Rousay. The reason of that is that the tenants pay all the road money according to bargain, and the proprietor pays the poor assessment.

Now will Mr Leonard be kind enough to say something as briefly as possible ?

[James Leonard]. I have little to say, except this, that if my family go in the first fashion, it is not I who provide it, it is their own fees. My young children are not dressed in Paris fashion; in fact, they are not dressed at all; and I know several in Rousay who cannot go to a place of worship for want of clothes.

You have stated that your grown-up children, if they appear in the fashion, do so by their own industry; you have now made your explanation.

[General Burroughs]. My factor is here if you would like to hear him.

If you will now allow us, we will put a few questions to you.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- You have made your statement, but I wish to ask you two or three questions illustrative of what you have stated. I suppose it is a fact, which does not admit of doubt, that the rental of the estate has risen very considerably ?

It is.

And you justify that, if it is necessary to justify it, I presume upon the large expenditure ?

I do. It is not all going into my pocket.

You justify it to a great extent by the large expenditure laid out ?

Yes, and also by the increase, and the value of everything – more frequent communication with other places, a larger demand for our produce, and the advancing prosperity of the county.

I see that the total expenditure upon your estate is £37,000; but I think a very large proportion of that was laid out upon houses. I think I am safe in striking off £17,000 for things the tenants had no connection with, leaving £20,000 ?

Yes, which has all been expended upon the estate.

But you may expend money upon an estate without benefiting the people, except so far as labour is concerned ?

Yes.

And if I strike off the £17,000, I leave it £20,000, or only £500 a year over forty years ?

That is a good deal, I think.

Do you think the rental in these circumstances has not unduly increased ?

I am sure of it.

I wish you would explain a little more fully what you mean by the expression that when you miss some smart young man off the island you are generally told he has gone to better himself ?

I understand that they have got situations in the south, as they generally do.

But are you not aware that there is a very considerable clinging to their native island on the part of these people.

I dare say; but my own family is, and I don’t know any family that is not scattered throughout the world.

Rousay is not such a paradise that people would not like to leave it ?

Yes, but it was left to me and I have resided there since.

Do the large farms occupy in arable land and pasture a considerable portion of your estate ?

The largest farm, Westness, is about two hundred or three hundred acres arable, and about one thousand five hundred to two thousand pasture.

What is the acreage of the whole estate ?

About twelve thousand acres. Rousay and Viera.

And one tenant has two thousand acres in pasture ?

Say two thousand in round numbers.

Are the tenants of these large farms natives of Rousay or Orkney, or strangers that have come in ?

The only one who is not a native is the tenant of Westness; he was my manager formerly. All the others are natives.

Are they people who at one time had been in a much smaller way ?

Yes.

And to that extent there is progress ?

There is decided progress being made. The only man who is not progressing much is the tenant of Saviskaill; the others have. He has progressed too, but not to any extent.

Can you give any reason why the delegates have come here today ?

I think they have got wrong ideas. They want a great deal. They want to go in, I think, like the Irish and get judicial rents and fixity of tenure and all that sort of thing.

But why should they come from Rousay more than from elsewhere. No one came from South Ronaldshay ?

That I cannot explain, unless they thought I was away. I have been in Germany and have only suddenly come back.

Are you prepared to say these people have no cause of complaint ?

I don’t believe they have any cause of complaint; that is my firm conviction.

The clergyman was asked a question about there being no sanitary officer, and he seemed to be unaware ?

I am head of the Parochial Board, and Mr Reid, the inspector of poor, is the sanitary officer.

Has he ever made any report to the board ?

We try to do what we can about cleaning the houses, but it is uphill work. Some of them won’t do it. He has often spoken to some of them, and so have I.

You have stated in regard to the removals which took place in your great-uncle’s time that the people were provided for; can you really say it was for their benefit that they were removed ?

I think it has decidedly been for their benefit.

And for the benefit of the estate also ?

Certainly for the benefit of the estate too.

You seem to have the idea that there is a great deal of money in the banks here; are there many of your smaller tenants who have money in the bank ?

I don’t know, but I know there are several cases which have been brought incidentally to my notice. I happened to be in Edinburgh, and met a lawyer there, who told me he had a large farm in Sanday to let. I said, ‘Yes, it is a very big farm.’ He said, ‘There is a tenant of yours applying for it,’ and I said, ‘No tenant of mine could give £1200 a year of rent.’ The man referred to gave me a small rent and had difficulty in paying it. If you had met him on the street you would have offered him a shilling – he was generally out at the elbows; but this lawyer told me he had £7000 in the bank, and he wished to know from me what sort of man he was.

What was his rent?

I cannot tell you what it was then. He paid at one time £36 and then £52. 10s., and he now pays £73 a year.

Was that in consequence of the knowledge you got of his circumstances ?

No, it was just a general rise. It is the third lease. I have spent £225 in improvements upon his farm, and it is only a fair return for the money I have been expending.

You give that as an illustration ?

That is one. Another case was that of a man whose son became a minister. I called upon him and congratulated him, and the son said, ‘Will you allow my aged parents to remain in their house?’ I said I never wished to disturb old people, and I did not disturb them. I said they might remain there for the rest of their days. I thought them poor people, and they only paid £1 of rent. But one of them came to me afterwards, and asked me as a J. P. to sign a document transferring £200 or £300 from one speculation to another.

That was a person paying under £30 ?

He paid only £1; and I suspect there were several others who had money in the same way.

Sir Kenneth Mackenzie:- You mentioned that Inkster, who was removed from Hammer, could get on quite well: what means had he of living? Was he fit to labour ?

No, he was a very weak man, and I don’t think they would ever have made anything of the farm.

How would he have got on without the farm ?

He would have come on the poors’ roll, and I would have helped him.

But Mrs Inkster’s complaint was that she could get no poor relief ?

Well, I was not here at the time, the inspector of poor can answer that. It was while I was away in Germany that she applied. But I understand the reason was that her husband required to produce a certificate from the medical officer.

You looked forward to him coming on the board: he was not fit to cultivate a farm ?

I don’t think he was. And he was a troublesome sort of man, and objected to pay his school rates; and when the teacher went to him Inkster assaulted him. George Leonard, Triblo, said he had heard from others that his farm was to be swallowed up in a larger farm. It has long been my wish to have a proper farm there, but I wish to leave the people in their houses and make them labourers.

You did not tell them that ?

They knew my plans. I had the land surveyed by professional men, and that is what they recommended as the best thing for the estate and for the people too.

If they knew your wish to dispossess them, that is perhaps what accounts for their dissatisfaction ?

Perhaps so. They all want to be masters and not servants, and that is impossible.

Mr MacCallum said you wrote asking him to interfere with some of the tenants at Hammer, and procure a cessation of the outrages, and that he replied that threats should not be applied to one party but to both sides: I did not understand what the sides were ?

The case was this: Mrs Inkster, wife of the farmer at Innister, had to pass the door of Hammer to go to the shop, and it appears that one of the young people from Hammer or Breckan threw a pail of dirty water over Mrs Inkster, and it led to a law plea before the Sheriff, and there has been ill-feeling between the parties ever since. Some sided with Mrs Inkster and some with the people of Breckan. Then Inkster’s farm was enlarged, and I built him a steading, and some of the people did not seem to approve of it.

Mr MacCallum thought the origin of the dispute was due to the enlargement of the farm ?

That may have had something to do with it. I squared the farm and built a steading, and then he found the land he had was not large enough to fill the steading with stock, and as I always intended to throw this bit of Hammer into the farm, I did so then.

Mr MacCallum brought this matter up in answer to a query of mine as to whether he had made a representation to you about that case of oppression, and he mentioned that he had made this representation ?

Perfectly so: I wrote to him about it, and said that as they belonged to his congregation he might try to make peace between them.

And Mr MacCallum made a representation to you ?

Yes, I think he did, and said that it required two to make a quarrel. I thought myself the Hammer people were more to blame than the Inksters.

That is the only case in which Mr MacCallum made a representation to you that there was oppression ?

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. I can mention another, and I wish to do so.

[General Burroughs]. I should like to hear it.

The Chairman:- I have no objection.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. There was a case at White Meadows where a father and mother died, leaving their family destitute. The eldest daughter happened to be in my house, and met General Burroughs there; and I think I spoke to him of her case, and he undertook to look into it. She was left alone, a girl of twenty-two, in charge of a young family numbering seven or eight. I spoke to General Burroughs in favour of this young person, to make some arrangement with the family, and I heard afterwards that my interfering to that effect had given him considerable offence; and it was really no encouragement to me to make representations when I knew they would not be listened to.

[General Burroughs]. It is quite a mistake.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. And with regard to the people who made the disturbance at Hammer, I wish to say that the worst of the two did not belong to my congregation. Is this to be the only opportunity I am to have?

I must judge of what opportunity you will have to speak; in the meantime the examination must go on.

Professor Mackinnon:- What was the rental of the estate in 1841 ?

I think about £1000 or £1100, but I am not quite sure.

Has there been a purchase of land since then ?

Yes. I purchased about £3000 worth of land from Lord Zetland after that date.

How much would the rental of what you purchased be in 1841 ?

I cannot say. It was purchased from Lord Zetland in 1854, and in those days the rent was paid in kind, and it is difficult to say what the rent was. In 1853 I think the rental of the estate, before the purchase from Lord Zetland, was £1067; in 1854 the rental was £1269.

The new and old together ?

I expect that includes everything.

My reason for asking is to test the accuracy of the people who said the rental had been increased threefold. I find from the valuation roll that the gross rental now is £3256, of Rousay only?

Yes.

Will Viera be under Rousay in the valuation roll ?

It is about £300 I think.

So that the statement of the people is not very wide of the truth. George Leonard, Triblo, stated, I think, that about thirty years ago the rent he was charged was either thirty shillings or £2 ?

£2. 2s.

Upon a fourteen years’ lease; and after that he paid £4 ?

£5 it is in my book.

And then he stated he paid £6 ?

Yes.

Can you tell what amount of expenditure was made upon that croft ?

I don’t think anything was spent upon Triblo. He had twenty acres. Yes, I find there has been expended upon Triblo £11. 17s. 4d.

Do you know what it was expended upon – buildings or draining?

Draining, I expect It may have been buildings, I can hardly say.

He now holds as tenant-at-will, and his complaint is that he has no security against removal ?

I find that in 1857 he got in buildings and draining £2. Is. 3d.; in 1858, £2 (that is his whole rent); 1859, £2. 14s. 9d.; 1860, £1. 13s. 2d.; 1861, 14s. 6d.; 1862, £1. 6s. 8d.; 1863, £1. 6s. 8d.; – altogether, £11. 17s.

And now his rent is £6 ?

Yes, and he has twenty acres of land.

The expenditure was not two rents altogether ?

No.

That is out of all proportion to what has been expended over the rest of the estate ?

It is.

And his main complaint is that now, after all he has done for the croft, he has no security whatever that he will not be turned away without compensation ?

But there is no word of turning him away; and he has been so long there that I should say he has nearly recouped himself for all he has done.

He says he heard you were to turn him away ?

I never heard about it.

This is Triblo ?

Well, I was wanting to add his croft to a farm; but he has not spent any money on buildings.

Who spent the money ?

I think it is his own house, one which costs very little to build. It is heather thatched, and the stones are mine. I don’t know whether he got the couples. But I have never turned away a man unjustly. I have always, if he had good claims, paid them. I have never had any grumbling; I don’t wish to oppress the people.

Do you consider he would have a claim if he were turned away now ?

I don’t know. I would inquire, and if I found he had just claims I would justly pay them.

Don’t you think there must be some mistake – you were talking of what your tenant was to take in Sanday? The highest rent we found in Sanday was £250 ?

Stronsay not Sanday. The name of the farm was Housebay.

You say that you inquire into every case upon its merits when objection is made that the rent is too dear; but one of the witnesses said that though his place was dearer than it is – and he says it is too dear now – yet he would take it ?

That, of course, is his own doing; I cannot make him take it.

Does that not show a state of feeling in the place that the people really will remain in the houses they build themselves at what would be considered a commercial loss ?

I don’t believe there is any commercial loss about it. After twenty-one years one is supposed to have recouped one’s self for what he has done. It was not begun by me; it was commenced by Mr Garth of Brimsgarth. I knew very little about land when I came here; I knew more about soldiering.

You don’t think the statement of that man represents the real feeling in the place ?

It may be in his place, but I don’t think it is general throughout Rousay at all.

Do you think if they had a greater sense of security they would improve more ?

What can they have unless they wish to rob us of our land?

But you give leases to large farms ?

Always.

And this man has no lease ?

He has had leases.

But not now ?

No, but he has never done anything during his lease, or very little.

Is not, at all events, the rent increased threefold ?

It has, because cattle and everything has risen in price.

Do you think it would be a fair thing to increase the rent in proportion to the increase in the price of cattle ?

I am not farmer enough to say, it was an increase in the price of produce generally.

Don’t you think the increase in the keep of the beast should come in a little ?

Perhaps it should, but that is very little.

Don’t you think it takes twice or three times as much to keep one of these big beasts for which they get three times the money, as it did to keep one of the small beasts they used to have before ?

I cannot answer that question; there are plenty of farmers here who can tell you.

Is it not the case that there is an increase in the expenditure of the population in the country generally; and should that not be taken into consideration ?

Everything must be taken into consideration, of course.

And not merely that if a two-year-old realises three times more, the rent of the croft should be trebled. Surely that would not be the way to make a valuation ?

I don’t think that 20 acres of land at £6 is an excessive rent.

He keeps one cow, one calf, one stirk, and perhaps, a two year-old to take the place of an old cow; do you think £6 is not sufficient rent to pay for that stock ?

I cannot answer these questions; but I am guided by those who do know. My factor will answer that.

Upon an expenditure of £11 – that is all the assistance this man got – he has increased the place in value from £2 to £6, and he has now no security that he can keep it in order to get the rest out of it; but he is quite ready to pay even more rent, rather than leave it, and he fears being sent away without compensation ?

There is no immediate talk of his being sent away.

It has been talked of ?

But it has not been done.

But he might be sent off any day ?

And as long as the property, is mine I think it right to be. I would be turned out of a house in town in a day if I did not pay the rent.

Don’t you think there is a little difference between the town and a country place – that in towns there are thousands of houses to go to, and that the law of supply and demand will operate there ?

He can go to a town or to the colonies.

This man shows that the law of supply and demand does not operate, because he prefers to remain even at a higher rent ?

He can do as he pleases and it is a free country.

The Chairman:- In consolidating land for the purpose of forming larger farms and improving the agriculture of the country you have had occasion to take away land from small tenants ?

In some cases.

Has it been your invariable practice, always to endeavour to find some other place on the property in which you could place these tenants ?

It has been my invariable practice.

Have you in any case, in conducting that operation, evicted a small tenant altogether without providing for him in any form on the estate ?

I cannot remember a case. There was a man had the farm where I built an enlarged steading, and after that was done, I had it valued and asked him to pay the rent. He refused, and another man offered for it, and I gave it to him. The old tenant then told me he was going to the colonies, but he has been living on and on with James Leonard at Digro, always with the intention of going to the colonies.

What was the rental of the holding from which he was removed ?

In 1856 it was £45 a year, and it gradually was increased until it came up to £100.

That is not a holding of the description to which my question applied. You don’t remember any case in which you evicted a small tenant for the purpose of consolidating his land with a larger holding leaving him on the world ?

I cannot remember a case of that sort.

You say that on your estate, a system has prevailed under which small patches of waste land was given to improving tenants on a twenty-one years’ lease with three breaks; that was introduced before you became proprietor ?

Yes, I believe so.

But you have adhered to that ?

I have.

You approve of that ?

I do.

Do you find at an earlier period when people entered upon the arrangement with a full knowledge of what they had to stake, that it gave them satisfaction – that they were glad to get the land on these terms ?

They seemed to me very glad.

Suppose you made an offer on the same conditions now, do you think you would find people to accept it ?

There are not many places I could offer now.

Is there not much of the old common pasture ?

I don’t think there is any land I could do it on now; I hardly think it can be done any further.

Do you find in the case of small holdings, accidentally vacant by death or voluntary departure, that there is considerable competition for them ?

I have always found it so hitherto.

When you have a small holding available by voluntary or accidental vacation, do you let it to the highest bidder at the market value, or do you select a tenant you wish to oblige ?

I always select a man.

Do you offer it to him at a valuation ?

When I have any vacancy of that sort, I have a great many applications, and I generally select the man I think best, not always the highest bidder. I look to see who the man is and ascertain all about him, and I take the best man for the place.

Do you believe at this moment, that if all your small tenancies were at your disposal, that you could let them in the market at a much higher rent than you receive ?

I am perfectly certain I would get a great deal more for the estate, if it was squared off in larger and better farms.

But supposing your small holdings were now vacant, could you let them as they are at an advanced rent ?

I believe I could, but my factor could give a more certain answer to that than I can. I don’t think a single farm on my estate is over-rented; it has always been my endeavour that it should not be so.

You have spoken as if the relations between landlords and tenants, and between the landlords and the poor class of labouring tenants were to be, or might be regulated by the ordinary conditions of supply and demand such as exists in town; do you not admit that there are considerations of kindness and liberality and moral duty, on the part of a proprietor towards the small class of tenantry, which may lead him to govern his estate on different principles ?

Most certainly, and I think my wife and I have endeavoured to be on the most friendly and kindly terms with all, and I thought until to-day that we were so.

So that you fully admit that you have duties on your estate ?

Most certainly, and I have endeavoured to do them.

You state that valuators have been invited from other parts of the country to estimate the value of portions of the estate; were these valuators employed to estimate the small holdings as well as the larger farms ?

I think nearly every one of them. I have the valuation here. Everything has been valued.

From what part of the country did these valuators come ?

Generally, from some other island in Orkney. In one case, I had as valuator the gentleman who is now factor to Sir William Gordon Cumming of Altyre.

In getting these valuations, what class of persons have you engaged? Have they been persons in the position of factors ?

Factors as a rule, sometimes lawyers.

Don’t you think that factors and lawyers are sometimes more identified with the feelings and interests of the proprietors than the tenants ?

I find in most cases they generally have a leaning towards the tenant. I have always found it so. Judging by the value I put on myself, I generally find there is a leaning towards the tenant.

You find that although your valuators belong to the class of factors, their leaning has been towards the tenants ?

Yes.

And when you have seen their valuations which you believe to be favourable to the tenant, have you invariably let the holding for a lower rental than that put upon it ?

I won’t say invariably; generally at the valuation, or below it; certainly never above it. I have endeavoured most carefully to do my duty.

You stated that the value of crops had risen very much, and that animals were sold for three times the price at which they were formerly, and that such an increase might alone justify an increase of rental ?

I did not quite say that. I say they generally have increased, it is the general prosperity of the country I refer to, all produce has been rising.

And therefore rental should rise too ?

It rises of itself, the people give larger offers and so it goes on. It has its money value like everything else, land.

But in the case of the value of general produce rising, do you think it equitable that the whole benefit of the rise should go to the proprietor, or that it should be shared between the proprietor and the tenant in some proportion ?

I think in proportion between the proprietor and the tenant. My own experience is, that the tenants can very well take care of themselves; in fact, instead of making Acts of Parliament to protect tenants, it would be much more to the point to make Acts of Parliament to protect landlords.

But the rental of your estate has been very nearly trebled ?

Yes, nominally, but it does not go into my pocket. There is a great difference the gross rental, and what goes into my pocket.

In expending money on buildings and improvements on the larger farms, have you generally employed local labour ?

I think almost without exception, except in the case of my own house. In erecting farm steadings and other buildings, I have always employed the local labour of the island.

Sheriff Nicolson:- The arrangement between the tenants and you as to poor rates is that you pay the poor rates and they pay the road money ?

I pay my share as occupier of the rates, and I have said whatever balance there was. I have paid £400 odds more than I have received. My factor has been road inspector, and the money has all been paid in to him, and I  have paid £142. 19s. 10d., more than I have received for the roads. I also built a pier at a cost of £615, entirely out of my own pocket, and the people avail themselves of it.

Is there as much spent upon the poor as upon the roads ?

There is about £100 spent upon the poor.

At what rate do you pay paupers per quarter ?

The rate varies; but the inspector is here and can say.

[Mr Reid, inspector of poor]. The highest rate is about £4 a year.

[General Burroughs]. They get houses, of course.

Is it possible for them to live upon that ?

They have always done so; I fancy with the help of the tenants too, there being no assessment.

You are naturally of opinion that there is no good cause for complaint among your people ?

I was quite surprised to hear it.

And that only those who have appeared here to-day are the representatives of that feeling ?

I believe if you ask anybody, they will have grievances.

Are you aware, that there was a meeting on your property last Saturday which was largely attended ?

I heard there was a meeting.

Would you be surprised to hear, that there were people there from the whole district, miles round; that it was a large meeting, and that it is as the representatives of that meeting, these men are here to-day?

I know some tried to get in, and were turned out.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. These were not crofters.

[General Burroughs.] I am told there were others there who were not crofters. I am not aware you are a crofter.

[Rev. Mr MacCallum]. I am a crofter.

You have indicated, that if that spirit is among the people, you would rather be glad to get rid of them ?

Decidedly; I want a contented people round me.

Even if the land were to become void of inhabitants, except the farmers and four-footed animals ?

I should be sorry if that were so. I thought I was on the best of terms with the people, and I should think the case you state is impossible.

[That concludes the evidence of General Burroughs]

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In Print

Rousay Crofters – Part 2



THE NAPIER COMMISSION IN ORKNEY



Part 2 of 4






George Leonard, Crofter, Triblo (67) – examined.

Question from Mr Cameron:- Are you a fisherman as well as a crofter ?

George Leonard answered:- Not now.

Were you a delegate freely elected by your neighbours ?

Yes.

On what day did the meeting take place ?

The last meeting was on Saturday last.

Was that the meeting referred to by the Rev. Mr MacCallum ?

Yes.

Was it a pretty fairly attended meeting ?

Yes.

How long have you held land under General Burroughs ?

I had the first land when I was twenty-six years of age.

Was that the same land as you occupy now ?

No; I was one of those who were put out for sheep pasture.

How were you provided for otherwise ?

I was in a small bit of house, and then I got liberty to build a house in Sourin.

What happened to you when the land was taken from you to make a sheep farm ?

I had to leave the place.

Where did you go to ?

To where I am yet.

How far is that from the old place ?

Between three and four miles; round about it will be more.

What was the rent you paid for the former place ?

When I married, the rent was 10s., and I took off the roof and made some improvement on it, and there was 10s. raised on me.

What land did you occupy for the 10s. without counting the improvements ?

I cannot say; about an acre I think.

Which was already improved ?

Yes.

And then you improved more ?

Yes, and there was 10s. raised on me.

The land that was already cultivated was rented at 10s., but you had the pasture ground ?

Yes.

What amount of stock did you keep on the pasture ground ?

A cow and some sheep.

How many sheep ?

I could not say. They were running at large; they were merely small things.

But you had the whole of that for 10s. ?

That is what my wife paid when I came to the house.

And you went on paying the same rent ?

There was 10s. raised on me.

But for the land already cultivated, and for the outrun for cattle and sheep, you paid 10s.; what improvements did you make ?

I took off the roof and put on a new one, and I improved some of the land, and then there was 10s. raised on me.

How soon was the 10s. put on after you improved the land ?

Half a year after, I think.

How do you know that the 10s. was put on for improving the land, and was not a natural rise for the land you before occupied, which was low rented ?

It was an old woman and my wife who were in it, and it was low rented. But I improved again, and as soon as I improved the second time, there was 10s. put on again.

How much did you improve the second time ?

About two acres, I think, of hill pasture.

You made hill pasture into arable ground, and 10s. was put upon you ?

Yes.

How long after this was it that you were removed ?

  was in it somewhere between ten and eleven years.

When you were removed, did you get any compensation ?

None.

What year was that in ?

I could not be sure.

Somebody says 1857; is that so ?

I think so.

You were removed to the place you now occupy: what is the rent of it ?

It was £2 when I got it. There was about an acre of ground, and I built houses. There were no houses on it then, they were down, and I built houses and occupied the ground for some years, and then I improved it.

How much land did you take in ?

I could not say. I think I had about three acres then, and I had a fourteen years’ lease.

How many acres of cultivated land were there in this place when you first went there ?

I think about an acre.

And what was the rent – £2 ?

Yes.

Had you a fourteen years’ lease then ?

Yes.

And during that time did you improve the land ?

Yes.

How much land did you improve ?

I couldn’t just say. I think about two or three acres.

Was the rent raised upon you ?

Yes.

At the end of the fourteen years’ lease ?

Yes.

You came to an agreement with the landlord ?

Yes.

But for these fourteen years you had the croft for £2 ?

Yes.

What stock did you keep in it ?

Generally two cattle.

Any sheep ?

Two or three sheep too.

You heard the previous witness mention that the rents were very high in this parish: do you consider £2 a high rent for a croft of that size ?

I did not consider it was high then.

What is it now ?

Six guineas.

Do you keep any more stock upon it ?

Not so many, because the pasture was taken from me to a great extent. There is a small portion of the ground yet in peat-moss and bracken, but nothing worth.

Describe exactly what took place after the rent was raised at the end of the fourteen years. When you entered into a new arrangement with the landlord did you get a fresh lease ?

Yes, for seven years.

What took place exactly, did you go to the landlord and ask a fresh lease, or did the factor come to you, or how ?

When the lease was out and I paid my rent, I asked for a lease again.

What answer did you get ?

I got the answer that I would get a lease for seven years.

What answer did you make to that ?

I had to take it.

Did you say anything at the time ?

I said I had to take it.

But did you make any objection or say that the rent was too high ?

No doubt I did that; I did so.

You said that the rent was too high ?

Yes.

Did you take the place all the same ?

I had to take it because I had built a house and improved the ground, and what could I do. I had nowhere to go to.

You had no option but to take it ?

No.

And you just took the lease ?

Just so.

At the end of the seven years what happened ?

Another pound was put on.

And did the same conversation take place between you and the factor ?

Just the same.

You said that it was too high, and the factor said he thought it was not ?

Yes.

And you ended by taking it on another tack ?

Yes.

Did you hear the Rev. Mr MacCallum mention that there were outrages committed in the district ?

Yes, I heard of that.

Would you describe the nature of those outrages – what were they ?

I cannot: it was in a different district from where I stay.

They did not commit the outrages in your district?

No, I just heard of them.

What did they do, did they hough the cattle [disable, by cutting the hamstrings] ?

No, but I think they broke some farm utensils : I don’t remember of them injuring any cattle.

Professor Mackinnon:- Is your own statement of complaint much the same as that of the people round about you ?

Much the same I think.

You had a place first for fourteen years and then the rent was increased: would you consider it fair that it should be increased a bit at the end of that lease ?

I would have allowed a little, but I think it was increased too much.

Your complaint is that it was increased too much ?

Yes, I would be willing to give what a conscientious man would say it was worth, but I would not like to give the rent I was giving before. When I was young and fit to work I could give it, but now I am getting old.

Do you think you would have made more of it – that you would have improved it more – if you had what you consider fairer terms ?

Yes; and I would have put up better houses too. The houses are generally very little worth now, since I built them thirty years ago, and I have no lease, but hold from year to year.

Do you think your neighbours also would have improved their places more if they had longer leases and lower rents ?

I am sure of it. If they had any security of the property there is no doubt of it; and they would have built better houses too. But if you built houses and improved the property, the rent was raised; and if you didn’t pay it you were put away.

When you got the seven years’ leases did you wish them for a longer term ?

I think we did, but I am not perfectly sure. I think we wanted them to be for fourteen years.

When the seven years came to an end, you only held from year to year ?

I think I got another seven years’ lease.

Did you wish a lease at the end of the second seven years ?

Always.

What was the reason you did not get a lease upon the last occasion ?

I cannot say. I was told that the whole place was offered to another big farm, to make sheep pasture. I was told by the man who holds the farm that he had an offer of the whole place, to add it on to his farm.

Did you consider the first lease of fourteen years at £2 fair terms ?

I did.

What increase do you think would be reasonable to make on the rent since that time ?

Well, Mr Balfour, factor in Shapinsay, was there, and I understand he was looking at the place. I spoke to him, as I thought he was a man of conscience – he is dead now – and he asked me what rent I paid. I told him four guineas, and he wanted to know how I could live on the place.

He thought four guineas too high ?

He just wanted me to describe how I could hold the place and make a living out of it.

And he was factor in Shapinsay at the time ?

Yes, and I think an excellent man.

He was a man of knowledge and experience of the place ?

He was that.

What would you consider a fair rent for your place upon along lease ?

£4 or four guineas; I would not wish to ask it for less. I would be willing to give what a man of conscience would say it was worth, as long as I could.

You would be willing to give what an outsider with knowledge and experience would say was a fair rent, if he knew the history of your improvements upon it, and your tenure in the past ?

I would.

But once having built your houses upon it, and having remained there for years, you would not like to leave it ?

Where would I go ?

And even supposing a higher rent was charged you would still have remained ?

I would remain as long as I could, because when I had nothing to give I would have to be supported some way.

But in fixing the rent you had no voice whatever ?

No.

You would be able to make a living out of the croft if the rent was £4 ?

No, I could not do that.

Supposing you had it at £4 ?

Well, I only have my wife now – my children are all away – and I might make a bit of endeavour to live in that way too.

Your income would be at least £2, 6s. a year more than it is ?

Still, that would be a good deal.

Have you any other means of livelihood beside the croft – work or fishing of any kind ?

I used to go to the fishing, and I used to make shoes and carry on any kind of work; but now I am not fit for that, and it takes me my whole time to work on the croft. In that way I ask for nothing.

What kind of stock do you keep ?

Cattle.

Are they of the old Orkney breed ?

There are not many of them here now.

What is the breed ?

Just cross breed.

And what stock of sheep have you ?

I have three.

What kind ?

Just crosses.

And it is the outcome of that stock that you pay the rent with ?

It must be relied on that, indeed. I have four head of cattle at the present time. But I must only keep two for this season, because we have no crop which is worth.

Is the crop very bad this year ?

Cruelly bad; I think we have just about half what we had last year.

Are you able to summer more stock than your crop can winter for you ?

Yes, owing to this piece of outbreak of hill above us. We drive them to it, but it just keeps them alive, and no more; it is only heather and peat moss. But we buy for them in winter.

Could you pay rent in the old place you were in forty years ago ?

Yes.

And now you are afraid after being forty years in the place, and having built a house and improved the land, that you should be removed again ?

Yes. I cannot make any improvement on the place, because I have no security.

The Chairman:- Have you any horses ?

No.

How many acres of arable land have you ?

It was measured to me for ten and a half acres, the whole in a square.

How much of that is in pasture, and how much do you break up in rotation ?

There may be about six or seven acres under the plough.

Do you raise potatoes and oats ?

We try it as far as possible.

Do you use the grain that you grow for your own family, for their subsistence ?

I do, when I can get any of it.

Where do you get it ground ?

In the mill a short distance from us; but I have not ground any for some years.

Do you give the oats to the cattle ?

No, but I am giving a little to the hens, or anything of that sort.

What is the reason that the number of fishing boats has diminished ?

Well, I think it is that a great many of the young men have left the island, because they have no way of stepping into; the old people cannot go.

What sort of fishing did they go to – herring or cod?

Both herring and cod. I remember a great many fishing boats, and I had one of them too.

Did the fishing make it easier for the people to pay their rent ?

A great deal: they could have done little with the rents if they had not gone to the fishing.

Do you sell the stirk or the two-year-old ?

I would not have had so many this year, only I had an old cow, and I had to keep a young one to fill its place.

But you generally sell them at two years of age ?

Yes; I have but a year-old just now.

How much do you get for the two-year-old when you sell it ?

The last I sold for £4; but it was a year-old.

But when you sell it at two years old what do you get ?

I never sold one at two years old.

Do you have a two-year-old now ?

Yes.

What do you intend to do with it ?

I intend to work it.

And plough with it ?

Yes.

Do you borrow another man’s ox to plough alongside of it ?

I take another man’s and I plough to him again.

Do you like ploughing better with an ox than with a horse ?

I could not keep a horse a week.

Do you think oxen are better than horses ?

They are better in some cases, but I must do with it as I can.

Do most of the small tenants about you keep oxen for ploughing ?

Some do, and some who have pasture get horses as they are required.

They have always been in the habit of using oxen ?

Yes.

Can you plough with the old small cattle of the country ?

Yes, with the hardiest ones.

Which do you use now ?

The cross breed; of course we must use what we have.

Do they plough better ?

They may be powerfuller, bigger and stouter, sometimes.

Sir Kenneth Mackenzie:- What would the old cows fetch if you were to sell them ?

It depends on its condition. The flesh on it is not great, and we have no grass to give it.

What do you expect for them ?

Maybe about £15 or £16. I have sold one at that, and I have sold one at £10.

How long do you keep them before you sell them ?

It is just as we can get another one raised. I have had the one I have just now about nine years.

When do the cows begin to fall in value ?

At six or seven years old.

The Chairman:- And the one you have is nine or ten years old ?

Yes.

But will he still fatten for the market ?

Fine that; but it takes more to feed him.

Do you put the ox in the cart ?

Yes.

How do you harness it – like a horse ?

Just the same.

Was that the way the old people did, or had they another way ?

They had another way. They had a yoke on the ox’s neck – a piece of iron round its neck, and fastened to the shafts of the cart.

Wasn’t that the better way ?

I cannot say; but I have seen it that way and worked it too.

Sheriff Nicolson:- Have you plenty of peats on the island of Rousay ?

Yes.

Convenient to you ?

Some are convenient, and some are a long way from them.

Do you generally carry them on your backs ?

No, we cart them.

Is that the custom among the people ?

It is the custom now; carrying on the back used to be the practice.

But none of them do it now ?

Some poor people who have not carts and cannot get them home in spring have to carry them in winter.

How are you off for sea-ware ?

I get none, because I have no road to the sea-ware.

What manure do you use ?

I have none but what I buy, and a little dung from the cattle. I drive a little moss from the hill.

How far are you from the sea ?

Not very far.

Why cannot you get seaware ?

Because there is not much to get, and the roads are so wet in winter that I cannot travel to the mill without going on my neighbour’s land.

Are your people generally well supplied with sea-ware ?

Not in my district. In the district I was in before they were, but not in this district.

Is there any kelp made in the island ?

None now.

Was there ever ?

Yes; I was at that trade too, once on a time.

How long ago ?

I think about forty years ago.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- You have heard the paper Mr MacCallum read: do you concur in it as correct ?

As far as I understand, I do.

Do you believe that it represents the real feelings and sentiments of the tenants on the Burroughs’s estate – the small people ?

I do.

Sheriff Nicolson:- You spoke about being afraid of being evicted, as you have no lease now ?

Yes.

You are not secure in your holding ?

No.

Are many of your neighbours in the same position ?

Just the same; I think there are about a dozen or more in the same position.

Your land you say was offered to a farmer ?

 The man told me so.

And some of your neighbours’ land also ?

The whole square about us.

Including how many families ?

About a dozen, I think.

But he did not take it ?

No.

If he had done so, then they would all have had to go ?

I think so.

[That concludes the evidence of George Leonard]

Mrs Georgina Inkster, wife of Hugh Inkster, Hammer, Rousay (35) – examined.

The Chairman:- Your husband was formerly tenant or crofter at Hammer ?

Yes.

You wish to state a personal grievance before the Commission ?

Yes: they have entirely taken our farm away.

Do you come here of your own accord, spontaneously, or have you been asked or prompted to come here by anybody ?

I come of my own accord.

Would you now state what your grievance is ?

My grievance is that our property is entirely taken away and we are just destitute. I asked parochial relief and there was none granted.

Where is your husband at this moment ?

I cannot say. He was not home when I left the house.

He has been in the Infirmary in Edinburgh ?

Yes.

Has he come home ?

Yes.

But he is not here just now, in Kirkwall ?

No.

Your husband was formerly a crofter or tenant on General Burroughs’ estate ?

Yes.

How long was he a crofter ?

Three years.

What was he before that ?

He kept the house for his mother; she was a widow and he kept the farm for her.

She had the croft ?

Yes.

Three years ago he became the tenant, did he not ?

Five years ago; it is close on two years now since it was taken away.

Were you married then ?

Yes.

And you were living with your husband in the same house with his mother during her time ?

In the same house.

When your husband got the croft five years ago was there a new settlement of the rent ?

Yes; the rent was £15 for fifteen acres.

It was settled at £15 when he became tenant ?

Yes.

How much had it been before, in his mother’s time ?

It was not the same croft at all.

He got a new croft of fifteen acres at £15 five years ago ?

Yes.

Did he get any lease of it ?

None.

When he entered the new croft was there a house upon it ?

The same house that is on it yet, but it is very bad.

During the three years that he was on the croft did he spend any money on improving the house ?

None of any consequence, but he did improve a little on the roof.

Did he make any dykes or enclosures ?

None.

Did he improve the land ?

The land was improved before

Did he take in any new land ?

None. He just had exactly fifteen acres and there was no more to take in.

He took fifteen acres of land for £15 and remained three years: did he pay his rent punctually ?

He did that.

And at the end of three years he was not in arrear ?

Only a little for the last year, and he was at the factor and offered to pay that too, but could not get a settlement.

When he took the fifteen acres was there any verbal understanding that he was to go on holding it ?

I think so.

Do you know it ?

I think so. If we could have kept it, we would have been glad to keep it.

Did your husband ever tell you that the factor had promised him to remain in that holding ?

We just had it from year to year.

You had no promise ?

None.

He held it for three years and then what happened ?

It was in consequence, I suppose, of his health giving way: he has been a man in delicate health for fourteen years.

At the end of the three years did the factor come and tell him he was not to remain there any longer ?

Yes.

When did your husband learn that, when he went to pay his rent ?

I cannot remember.

Did the factor give him any reason for that ?

None. The land was put on to the next farm.

Did your husband sell his stock ?

Yes.

Did the proprietor pay him any compensation or let him off any of his rent ?

None.

Did the proprietor buy his stock or take it off his hand ?

No. The most of the stock was his mother’s, but she gave it to my husband and we were to pay her as we could get it.

His mother was still alive ?

Yes, she is alive yet

Did the factor tell your husband why he took the land away ?

No.

Then your husband just lost it ?

Yes.

Did he ever pay the factor any more money in order to be allowed to stay ?

I don’t think it. It was no use, he would not get it.

What became of your husband; was he in good health at the time he left the farm ?

No, not very. It is fourteen years since he was in good health – there has not been a year in that time he has been in good health. During the last two years he has been entirely unable to earn a sixpence.

Who does he live with ?

We are just destitute.

You still remain in the same house ?

Yes, and the land is taken away. We have nothing.

Has he got any means of subsistence at all ?

The means were his mother’s; if it had not been her we would not have been alive.

Does he help his mother in the management of her croft ?

She has no croft. When my husband entered his croft his mother came along with us. The croft at Hammer was stocked by her and she gave up her own croft.

And are you living with the mother now ?

Yes, my husband’s mother and sister are living in a room in the end of our house.

Are they able to earn anything ?

Not the mother, but the sister is.

Are you able to earn anything ?

I have a small family and cannot get out to work if I were able; my youngest child is an infant.

What is your particular complaint at this moment? Is it that you are not allowed to remain in the holding which your husband got ?

Yes, and we are entirely destitute and have been applying for relief and none has been granted.

Your complaint just now is that you have applied for parochial relief and none has been granted to you ?

Yes.

Have you appeared before the Parochial Board yourself ?

Yes.

How long ago ?

I was at the inspector of poor but not before the board.

What reason did the inspector give you for not granting relief ?

The General was not at home, and he said he would write the General and give me an answer. The answer did not come and my husband sent a note to the inspector, and the inspector said he called a meeting of the Parochial Board and the case was laid down and that unless he got a certificate from the medical officer of the parish that my husband was quite unable to work there would be no relief granted. He also said that if relief was granted my husband would find it in the poor-house in Kirkwall.

Did your husband get the certificate ?

He has not got it yet.

How was your husband able to pay for going to the Infirmary in Edinburgh ?

His mother helped him.

Did anyone else help him ?

No.

Have you applied to the proprietor for assistance in any way ?

I went to the inspector of poor.

But have you applied to the proprietor for any other land or any support or assistance at all ?

They always promised to give us the first place that was open, but now it is of no use as we have nothing to take any place with.

How long was your husband in the Infirmary ?

I cannot exactly say; it is six weeks since he went to Edinburgh and he came back last Saturday night.

Have they done him a great deal of good ?

Yes. But I have not seen him yet: he was not arrived when I left home.

Mr Cameron:- What age is your husband ?

Thirty-eight.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- Was he born on General Burroughs’ estate ?

Yes.

Were his people there before ?

Yes, his grandfather and father.

Do you belong to the estate yourself ?

Yes.

Sheriff Nicolson:- Was there any suggestion that your husband was not able to work the croft, or that he was not cultivating it properly ?

No, he was cultivating it well.

Was there any complaint against him of any kind ?

Not that I heard,

If you were getting land now, how could you work it ?

We have nothing to take land with now.

You have no stock to put upon it now ?

No.

Professor Mackinnon:- Why did your husband not get a medical certificate ?

Dr Gibson the medical officer, told him that he could have given him a line that he was unable to work at the present time, but that if he was to go into the poor-house and be examined, the statement by the doctor in the poor-house might not agree with his, and that would hurt him (Dr Gibson) in his situation. Dr Gibson promised before to give my husband a line, and I thought I had nothing to do but go and get it; but when I mentioned about the poor-house, that was his statement, and Dr Stewart of Kirkwall offered my husband a line.

The offer of relief which you got, was to go to the poor-house ?

Yes.

Would they take your husband away without you and the children ?

I don’t know.

You don’t know whether you and the children would have got out-door relief ?

I don’t know; it was my husband who was mentioned in the line.

The Chairman:- Would you go to the poor-house ?

I am sure I could not say. I would have to go I suppose. I could not live upon nothing.

Professor Mackinnon:- Is it your mother-in-law’s stock that you have been living upon for the last two years ?

Yes.

And you say it is now exhausted, and you are destitute ?

Yes.

So that if you got another croft, you could not take it ?

We could not do anything with it now, unless we got help from some person.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh:- Suppose you had been left on the croft, would you have struggled on ?

Yes, cheerfully.

The last thing you would have thought of, would have been to apply to the Parochial Board ?

Yes, the last thing.

Have you anything else you want to state ?

I don’t think it.

[That concludes the evidence of Mrs Georgina Inkster]

Categories
In Print

Rousay Crofters – Part 1


THE NAPIER COMMISSION IN ORKNEY

Part 1 of 4




In July 1883, the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Conditions of Crofters and Cottars in the Highlands and Islands, held investigative sessions in Orkney. The commission was set up as a response to crofter and cottar demonstrations against excessively high rents, lack of security of tenure on land that had been in families for generations, and the forced evictions of crofters.

The demonstrations started in Wester Ross and Lewis in the 1870’s, and by the early 1880’s had moved to Skye. Local police forces were called upon by the landlords to enforce what they believed to be their rights. However, with limited resources, the police found it difficult to cope with the increasing demands put upon them.

Therefore, it became an issue needing government attention. Under the orders of Prime Minister William Gladstone, and backed by Royal approval, the commission was appointed in 1883, by the Home Secretary, Sir William Harcourt.

The commission began its work in Skye and travelled the length and breadth of the Highlands and Islands (including Orkney and Shetland) gathering evidence from crofters, landlords, and others who were familiar with the plight of the indigenous population. The final report was hastily published in 1884 and led obliquely to the 1886 Crofters’ Holding Act.

The six members of the Commission taking evidence in Orkney were:

Francis Napier, 10th Lord Napier and 1st Baron Ettrick, Chairman.
Sir Kenneth Smith Mackenzie of Gairloch, 6th Baronet.
Sir Donald Cameron, Esq. of Lochiel, M.P. for Inverness-shire.
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, Esq., M.P. for Inverness Burghs.
Sheriff Alexander Nicolson of Kircudbright, LL.D.
Professor Donald Mackinnon of Edinburgh University, M.A.

The Rousay crofters were well-prepared for the visit of the Crofters Commission to Kirkwall, mainly due to the intelligence and diligence of their chairman, James Leonard. A series of meetings were held at the Sourin school and a statement of grievance was prepared and the names of delegates were put forward for their evidence to be given to the Commission.

As the Crofters’ Movement centred on the Sourin Free Church community, it was inevitable that the minister, the Rev Archibald MacCallum, should be drawn into the conflict, and it was he who acted as their spokesman, presenting the statement of grievance on their behalf before the meeting in Kirkwall.

The following witnesses from Rousay appeared before the Commission in Kirkwall on Monday July 23rd 1883:

The Reverend Archibald MacCallum, Rousay.
George Leonard, Crofter, Triblo, Rousay.
Mrs Georgina Inkster, Hammer, Rousay.
James Leonard, Crofter and mason, Digro, Rousay.
James Grieve, Cottar, Outer Dykes, Rousay.
Frederick William Traill Burroughs, Lieutenant-General, Proprietor, Rousay.


The following comprehensive text, seldom seen elsewhere other than in the newspaper reports of the day, was made available to me by the late John Reed, Lower Hammerfield, Rousay.

Kirkwall, Orkney, 23 July 1883.

The Reverend Archibald MacCallum, Rousay, aged 30 – was examined:

He was asked by the Chairman: – How long have you been in your present charge ?

MacCallum replied: About 3½ years.

You are minister of the Free Church ?

Yes.

Have you been elected a delegate by the people of the place ?

I may state that I have nothing to do with the origination of these meetings at all as I was south when they were begun, but a deputation of the crofters waited upon me last week, and requested me to attend their meeting, which was held last Saturday. I did so, and the statement which I now have was read and carefully examined by them and adopted as their own; and they requested me to read it to your Lordship and your fellow Commissioners.

Did they appoint any other delegate of their own class at the same time ?

Yes. James Leonard, George Leonard, and Thomas Grieve; and two short written statements were prepared.

But you were their chief representative ?

Yes.

Will you have the goodness to read the statement ?


[reads] “We, tenants and crofters of Rousay, desire to represent to the Commissioners, that we are in a condition generally of great and increasing poverty, and that we are convinced that our present condition is owing to the system of land management in Rousay for the last forty years, and especially for the last twenty years. A comparison of the rental, population, and tenures of lands, and other particulars, as these were forty years ago, and as they are now, will show that the rental has been increased on the island of Rousay, according to our best information, not less than threefold, whilst in that same time the population has decreased, and their substance also become less.

(1st), Thus in 1841, the rental of the whole parish (which includes the islands of Rousay, Egilshay, Veira, and Eynhallow) was only £1500; it is now £3876, 19s. 4d. It is necessary to know, in order to see that the great increase has been on the island of Rousay and Veira, and on them only, that the rental of Egilshay (which belongs to another proprietor, namely Dr Baikie) has been very slightly increased, as is well known, and that almost all Egilshay tenants sit under good leases, and that the increase has been therefore almost entirely on the Rousay estate.

(2nd), The population in 1841 was 1263 souls; it is now 1118; – in the nation at large a like decrease would have caused alarm and indicated our decay as a nation.

(3rd), This smaller population, which pays at least a triple rental, is relatively much poorer. A proof of this is that in 1841 there were eighteen herring-boats carrying ninety tons; there are now only four.

(4th), There were in 1841 thirteen proprietors of land in the place; there is now in Rousay only three; and two of these are but small farmers. The people are in this way bound by the regulations of one proprietor, to which they must submit so long as remaining in their native island. The main cause of our present state is an excessive rack-renting of land. But we have further to complain of the taking away from our use of the hill pasture and commons. In 1841, there were 10,440 acres of land which was uncultivated and in waste, or in use as pasture free to all; as also at that time 7500 acres of undivided common; and the people from time immemorial had the privilege of grazing and pasturing cattle, sheep, horses, and pigs without payment of any kind. All this has been taken away from us, and appropriated by the proprietor for his own use or for letting.

We complain that this very large loss was without our consent, and we were never in any way compensated for it by reduction of rent. On the contrary, rents have been raised at the same time; and some rents have been even quadrupled, that is, increased fourfold, in the last forty years. It is an old belief among us, handed down to us from our forefathers, that we have a right to these hill pastures and commons; and we would respectfully ask Her Majesty’s Commissioners that they be pleased to make searching inquiry into this matter, that some explanation at least be got of so great an amount of property being taken from the body of the people to the use of one; and we also ask a strict investigation into the way in which the old Orkney tenures and settlements, so much more favourable to us than the present feudal tenures and arrangements, were lost, and these latter imported from the south by a gradual, and, as we think, wrong process.

We have also long believed that a right of settlement on the land of our fathers was secured to us by ancient custom amounting to law, and that this was reserved to us always, even when the Orkney Isles were given over to the Scottish Crown by Denmark in the treaty or contract then made between Scotland and Denmark. We humbly beg you to investigate that treaty, and any other ancient documents or customs that bear on these points, for our satisfaction and your own assistance in your present task.

We complain, in any case, of harsh and needless evictions, of which we may give examples – evictions of large bodies of people. Whether the landlord has this power or no, we complain of the harshness of these evictions, and that they were unnecessarily oppressive to the people, while leading to no corresponding profit to the proprietor. One case of this was that in or about the years 1842-3, a number of families (almost exactly forty families), were ejected from the lands of Greendale [Quandale] and Westside in Rousay against their wishes and requests to remain, and all their lands were joined for sheep pasture. Some went abroad, and some were allowed to settle on other parts of Rousay, where the land was much poorer in quality, and for the most part uncultivated; and the lots given to those who settled there after their eviction from Greendale and Westside, were not only poorer in soil, but smaller in extent. Those evicted then and so settled, especially in Sourin, were most of them just permitted to settle on heather land, and to reclaim and bring in this for themselves, and also to build houses for themselves on this wild land or hill.

When they had thus brought waste land into a state of cultivation, and built houses for themselves and families after their eviction from one place, rents were laid upon them for these lands and houses which they built and reclaimed entirely by their own industry and labour, procuring themselves even the materials of the buildings, such as they are. We complain that if rents were to be laid on us in such a case, we should at least have been paid for our labours in building and reclaiming. But no compensation of any kind, either for eviction from the old places or for our improvement of the new, was given; and the rents first put on the latter have been frequently raised, and we sit as mere tenants-at-will, liable to be again evicted from houses we built ourselves, and to be rack-rented even if allowed to occupy them.

Another case was that of the Nears eviction, in which three families were ejected by force about the same date, and in the depth of winter; the people and their household goods being laid out on the open hill, and one aged woman fainting after this oppressive act several times, and shortly afterwards she died. A very recent case of a similar kind, occurring only two years ago, was the eviction from his land of the tenant of Hammer, in the district of Wasbister – a man of delicate health, and reduced by this act now to poverty, whereas formerly he was always able to meet his rent. His family still remains in the house, but the land being added to another farm, they are left destitute, and are now applying for parochial relief, while his own health has been so shattered by the loss of the only means of livelihood open to him, that he has now become an inmate of the Edinburgh Infirmary. (I may state that this man returned on Saturday night, after this was written.) We complain especially that this poor man’s wife and family – although they applied for parochial relief some time ago – have had no provision made for them yet, and would thus have been left in a state of absolute destitution, but for their friends and neighbours.

Another case is that of the present occupier of East Cray in Sourin, who at an advanced age reclaimed land there and built a dwelling for his old age, entirely at his own coast; and shortly after doing this, by the authority of the proprietor a rent was imposed upon him, and that first rent has now been increased about fivefold, and a special aggravation of wrong in this case is that he had been previously evicted from a house and croft which he had built and reclaimed (with the exception of a quarter of an acre), also himself at his own cost.

Another matter is the lack of compensation for improvements, and that we do not possess or get liberty to improve or build new buildings necessary for our cattle, even when we are willing and offer to do so at our own cost; but we only get leave to make improvements necessary for the safety of our stock on the terms named by the proprietor, which involve an intolerable and apparently interminable burden of interest on money borrowed by him, which interest seems to form practically a permanent increase of rent. There is no inducement for the sober and industrious man to labour and improve his home and farm, but the contrary; for the fruits of his labours and outlay, even when allowed, are taken from him without any compensation. And the utter insecurity of tenure again acts with this disheartening effect on us. We humbly beg therefore that you will do what you can to secure the revaluation of land, so that a fair rent may be fixed as between proprietor and tenant, and that we shall have security of tenure in our holdings; and that these holdings may be increased as necessary for the adequate support in comfort of our families, and that the question of the hill pasture and undivided common be settled in some way – say by restoration or otherwise.

We should also like the Commissioners to visit our island and inspect our houses, many of which are unfit for human habitation; and in the event of disease of an infectious or contagious kind getting into them, it is almost impossible to root it out. We specially hope that for all these grievances that so long and so hardly oppress us as a community, a speedy and sure remedy will be procured, as we cannot much longer meet the overpowering burdens laid on us. We desire you to receive this statement, and to receive any other testimony that you may wish to hear, from the following, whom we have chosen as delegates and witnesses for us, namely, – James Leonard, occupier of the croft of Digro, Rousay, chairman of our meetings; George Leonard, occupier of the croft of Triblo, Rousay; James Grieve, part-occupier of the house of Outerdykes, Rousay; James Mainland, occupier of the house of Gorehouse, Rousay; William Robertson, occupier of the croft of East Cray, Sourin, Rousay.

We ask you to hear these as our representatives, who know our circumstances well, as they are all natives of Rousay, and as they have with one exception been resident in our island for almost all their lives. Had your arrangements permitted you to come amongst us, we would many of us, especially of the older inhabitants, been able and willing to give personally before you, fuller details of their own cases than can be given in any other way. We have in this statement, and by the appointment of these witnesses, done our best to show our position after a long course of impoverishment. Nor is it merely in our substance that we feel the burden and evil effects of the present land system as it is wrought here. The utterly inconsiderate and unrighteous manner in which we are treated tends to produce in our once peaceful and happy community those features of disturbance and outrage which have made another part of the three kingdoms so much an object of remark and attention. This is the case with us in too great a proportion, and it must increase unless relief is afforded us.

The facts we have stated with reference to the eviction of the tenant of Hammer alone would account for the disturbance and evil feeling that we are sorry to know is arising in our midst. But, it is said, “Oppression will make wise men mad.” Ever since that eviction, which was accompanied by a change of the lands of four farms, against the wishes and interests of at least three of them, the district there has been in a state of disturbance, in which various acts of outrage have, been committed. A sheep of one farmer has been made away with, no one knows how; implements of husbandry, as scythes or ploughs, have been broken at night, and violent scenes have taken place between individuals who have felt themselves aggrieved and injured in their feelings and interests, some even to the loss of all, even health itself, by the needless and oppressive changes. There was one of those cases before the Sheriff-Court. The Procurator-Fiscal for the county, who is also law-agent for General Burroughs, the proprietor, visited the district to obtain evidence for a trial in another case, but failed to do so. The proprietor, who resides on his property and who takes control of everything on the land, visited the district with his factor several times, to endeavour to make the parties keep quiet, but without any permanent effect, as no redress was offered or provided even for the tenant who was turned out of all except a house, and who is confined in the Infirmary, and unable to do anything for his wife and their large family, the members of which are all young – the youngest being an infant.

We feel that all these things are not as things ought to be amongst a free and Christian community, and we humbly beg that Her Majesty’s Commissioners may speedily cause a removal of all these evils and hardships that are the source of such a state of affairs.

[Signed] James Leonard, chairman; George Leonard, James Grieve, James Mainland, William Robertson, delegates.”


If your Lordship would allow me to add, it is the fact that this statement is entirely the crofters’ own. And I should also like to say that, so far as I am aware – and I know the land pretty well, as the majority of the people adhere to my congregation – that this movement is not at all concerned with personal feelings against our distinguished proprietor, General Burroughs, or his factor, but entirely against the system and manner in which they use the powers which the law gives them.

The memorial which you have read is written in a style very superior to that in which most of the memorials we have received are composed, and I can hardly imagine that it is entirely the spontaneous natural composition of persons in the position of crofters or small tenants. Can you tell me who actually wrote or composed the document ?

[James Leonard replied] The facts were furnished by me, and Mr MacCallum assisted in putting them together.

The composition of the paper is in great measure your own, Mr MacCallum ?

[Mr MacCallum]. I may mention that the document was dictated almost entirely to me, and all I had to do was to correct the grammar.

James Leonard]. I had written it before.

[Mr MacCallum]. I had no desire to take any part whatever in the matter. It was owing to my being waited upon by the people that I came to have anything to do with it. The document was gone over sentence by sentence, and there were some words altered even on Saturday night.

I don’t wish to attach any blame to you for taking an interest in the matter, but the document apparently having been perused and partly composed with your assistance or entire approval, you substantially agree with the statement throughout ?

I do.

I understood the memorial to say that the rental had been increased threefold, and the first rental given to me was £1500 and the last £3876 ?

Yes.

But that is not threefold ?

I explain that in the document, to the effect that the parish consists of four islands, two of which only belong to General Burroughs, so that the increase of the whole parish has therefore to be debited against Rousay, because it is well known that the island of Egilshay is moderately rented.

In fact, the rent of that particular estate of Rousay has been increased threefold ?

Yes, that is the meaning. The island of Eynhallow is now uninhabited.

Has this increase of rental been chiefly caused by the consolidation of small holdings in large, and is the increase upon large farms, or has it been equally apparent on the small holdings which have remained ?

At least equally. There are statements made from small crofters that their crofts have been raised fivefold – their small holdings. I think the large farms are perhaps moderately rented, so far as I know.

What is the rental of the largest farm or the larger farms – to what rental do they ascend ?

There is one farm of Westness which I understand is rented at £500 or £600. That farm consists largely of ground taken through eviction from Quandale. There are very few large farms on the island.

How many holdings are there altogether – occupancies – upon the estate ?

From 95 to 100 houses.

But I want to know how many holdings there are ?

Almost every house is a small holding.

Have you any idea what area on the estate is occupied by tenants of above £100 a-year, and what area would be in the hands of tenants below £100 a-year? Is the larger part of the area of the estate in the hands of farmers above £100 a-year ?

No. There are very few large farms. There are the large farms of Westness and Saviskaill.

The great increase of rental is not to be accounted for by the consolidation of farms, the larger farms bearing proportionally a higher rental than the small ?

No. I rather think the larger farms are comparatively moderately rented, so far as my information goes.

Is there any form of industry or any new variety of produce introduced into the estate within the last forty years, which would account for or justify this unusual increase of rental ?

Not that I know of; on the contrary, the fishing has decreased.

Has there been a very improved description of stock, bearing much higher prices, introduced ?

I suppose so, but I don’t profess to be a farmer.

You mention Baikie’s estate; is that in Egilshay ?

Yes.

The rental has been very much increased. Is the country very much of the same nature as the country in Rousay, or is it a poorer description of soil ?

Much of the same nature, but if anything it is better.

Is there a very great difference in the apparent condition of tenantry in Egilshay compared with the tenantry in Rousay – physical and material condition ?

Very great. I can tell an Egilshay man by his look of comfort.

By meeting him on the street ?

Meeting him in the parish.

Has the population of Egilshay remained stationary, or has it increased?

I think it will be largely stationary.

Do you think it has decreased slightly ?

[James Leonard]. There are three islands combined, and the population is all taken together. We cannot tell the population of Egilshay alone, but I don’t think it has decreased. I think it is about the same as it was.

Then the population of both islands has been nearly stationary, because Rousay has not decreased very much ?

[Mr MacCallum]. I should think a very great portion of the decrease is in Rousay, because there were forty families evicted, and many of them went abroad. I know some went abroad.

But if the population of Egilshay has not increased much in the last forty years, it proves that there is some natural cause operating to draw off the population from both islands. It looks as if the population in decreasing in Rousay had not been entirely owing to the system of estate management ?

I am not aware. I think the Egilshay people are very fond of remaining on the property.

How do you account for their not largely increasing in forty years ?

They may have largely increased in forty years, but I have no people in that island.

What communion do the people in Egilshay belong to ?

The majority of them belong to the United Presbyterian Church.

Is the diminution of the boats engaged in the herring fishery to be accounted for in any degree by the substitution of fewer large boats for a greater number of small ones ?

In no degree.

Is it to be accounted for by the desertion of the herring from the coast, or what ?

I don’t think so.

You think the fishing would be just as accessible as it was ?

Yes.

Then how do you account for the reduction of the fishing industry? It would appear that if the people were deprived of their land they would throw themselves with greater avidity upon the resource of fishing ?

I suppose the people require money to buy boats and nets, and so forth.

Can you state any actual discouragement given to fishing by the proprietor or his factor ?

None whatever. On the contrary, the proprietor encourages many good things on the island, and I am glad to take the opportunity of stating that. He encourages many good things in a moral and social way in the island: his example in many respects is a model to proprietors. We have no complaint against General Burroughs, as I stated; it is against the system, and the law, and the powers in his hands.

The memorial seems to draw a distinction between two kinds of hill pasture: it mentions a large amount which had been withdrawn, and it speaks besides of a commonty. Were there two categories or descriptions of hill pasture ?

I presume the commonty you refer to is about the shore and the valley over to the hill country. Rousay is very hilly land – the most hilly place in Orkney except Hoy.

You said after the reduction of proprietors there were still three in the island: has the whole commonty been apportioned and allotted ?

Yes.

And fenced ?

Yes.

Have the small tenants now no share of the old commonty at all: has it all been taken away, or do they still retain part of it ?

Entirely taken away. Those who are near the common may slip across the boundary and feed a sheep or two, but practically it is entirely taken away.

In fact, all the small tenants are within the fences now ?

Yes.

At the time the commonty was taken away, do I understand there was no reduction of rent at all ?

None: on the contrary, it was increased.

You state that there is an old belief existing in the island, and I have heard of the same belief elsewhere, that the common was in a manner inseparable from the holding of arable ground, and that the people had a kind of prescriptive right in it, or a right under some old treaty or charter – have you investigated that point yourself ?

No, I have not but it is a widely spread belief.

Do you think that belief has always existed in the country, or do you think it has been inspired by recent ideas about land tenure ?

I think it has always existed; it is stated to have been handed down to us from our forefathers. There is a belief that there is a clause in the treaty which ceded the Orkney Islands to Scotland, reserving a right of settlement in the lands for the people then in the island.

But the people are aware that there are Acts of the Scotch Parliament superseding these alleged diplomatic rights ?

Yes; but I understand they hold that the Scotch Parliament had no right to deal with their property in that manner without consulting them. They ask who composed the Parliament. They were never consulted about the disposal of their own property.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh: Were there no representatives from Orkney in the Scottish Parliament?

They had no great confidence in them even if there were. It has been known that members of Parliament were bought and sold at the time of the Union.

I don’t speak of their character?

It is their character as representatives that I speak of. Prices were given to them in connection with the Act of Union.

The Chairman: That is very susceptible of discussion. You mention, in connection with the question of houses, the desire of the people that the Commission should visit the place. It will be impossible for us to visit the place, but I should be happy to hear you make a verbal statement as to the lodgings of the poor. Are the houses of so poor a character that you enter the house through the byre, or is there always a separate entrance ?

As a rule, you enter separately to the byre. The byre is usually an outhouse; but the roofs of the dwellings are in some cases, as one of the witnesses may state, letting in water. Where young families are, of course that is very bad, and some of them are in a very undesirable condition. If disease gets in, it just runs through the family.

Are the walls of stone and lime, or open stone ?

Open stone, I understand.

You spoke of the danger of fever; that looks as if the houses were contaminated by cattle or something of that kind. Is the byre built against the house ?

It is often in the same building.

Has there been any fever ?

There was a severe epidemic of diphtheria there some years ago, which caused great havoc.

Has the public health officer ever denounced any building as a nuisance, or dangerous to the health of its inmates ?

May I ask who the public health officer is?

Is there no inspector of nuisances appointed in the parish ?

No; there is an inspector of poor, in a manner, who holds that office.

But no inspector of nuisances ?

 No; and he is not a man who has in the slightest degree the confidence of the people.

The inspector of poor ?

Yes; but quite the contrary.

What is his condition ?

He is a retired teacher.

Appointed by the Parochial Board ?

I suppose so; he must be.

There are three proprietors whom you mentioned ?

Yes.

Have the two smaller proprietors any tenants, or do they farm their own land ?

They farm their own land entirely.

Are they members of the Parochial Board ?

Yes; at least one is; I have heard so from himself; but I don’t remember of seeing the name of the other in the list.

Do they show any interest in the welfare of the parish – do they take an active part in the School Board ?

One of them is a member of the School Board; but he does not attend the Parochial Board, although he is a member of it.

Are the cases of outrage which you mention peculiar to the island, or are cases of malicious injury not rather common to Orkney generally – I mean, is it not rather a distinctive feature in the limited amount of crime in this country, that of malicious outrage ?

I don’t quite understand your lordship’s question.

You have stated that there are cases of malicious injury done to property or animals, and the memorial seems to attribute that to the peculiar management and condition of this estate ?

Entirely.

But I have heard it said that malicious injury to property is rather characteristic of Orkney, in the limited amount of crime which prevails here ?

Yes, but you observe the cause that evoked this outrage was the land.

Distinctively ?

Distinctively.

And not personal resentment or spite of one tenant towards another ?

Of course it was spite, but the cause of the spite was the land arrangement.

You stated that the procurator-fiscal is at the same time the law-agent of the proprietor; what do you understand by law-agent? Has the procurator-fiscal any part in the management of the property, in advising with reference to the management of the land at all ?

I understand he has a very influential part.

Do you think, in your own case, that he is in any degree as it were the factor on the estate ?

Well, to some extent. The proprietor himself is permanently resident.

Has he any other factor ?

He has a resident factor.

Has he a ground officer, or a superior factor?

He has a superior factor. There is also a road contractor, and one or two minor servants.

Is it complained of that the procurator-fiscal should stand in these relations to the proprietor; is it a matter of discontent or suspicion in the place ?

I cannot say that I have had much communication with the people on that point; but of course being procurator-fiscal, in any case betwixt tenant and proprietor, being law agent for the proprietor involves…..

There is an inconsistency in my mind in the language of the memorial on the one side, and your personal reference to the proprietor on the other. You personally state that it is the system which is complained of, and the law, and not the character of the proprietor; but in the memorial, there is the strongest indication of personal maladministration, with which the law has nothing whatever to do, because the law does not consolidate land, does not turn out tenants, does not prevent the proprietor giving compensation. The whole memorial seems to be a direct incrimination of the proprietor. On the other hand, you state you do not complain of the proprietor at all; what do you mean by that ?

I beg your pardon, I don’t think there is anything inconsistent in that. Our complaint is that the laws of the country allow General Burroughs to do such things.

They don’t oblige him to do them ?

Not oblige, but allow.

But they don’t encourage him to do it ?

They allow him; and the complaint is that he does it

I think there is some inconsistency in it. I don’t accuse General Burroughs, but at the same time there is inconsistency in these two statements. But I shall be happy to know, as you indicate, that it is rather the bad system than an oppressive proprietor ?

So far as there are any charges against the proprietor, and his character as such, I abide by the terms of the statement I read.

Then I shall be happy now if you would have the goodness to state what you referred to before – the points in which the proprietor is a benevolent and useful proprietor ?

I meant to say that he shows a good moral example, and discourages all forms of vice, such as drunkenness, in the parish; and that he takes a great interest in such matters as education. He acts as chairman of our School Board. In his personal dealing with the people he is generally kindly; but that of course does not alter at all the facts of the case.

Is there any medical officer in the parish ?

Not resident. There is one appointed for the parish, but he resides in another parish, and there is an arm of the sea, about two miles wide, between us and him which frequently cannot be crossed, and one may take ill and die before the doctor can possibly come to him.

Sir Kenneth Mackenzie: You mentioned that this paper was read at a meeting last Saturday ?

Yes.

And approved by the crofters ? We can see by the alterations made that they had been consulted about it step by step ?

Yes, these alterations were made by themselves.

I see this sort of alteration – ‘wanton and inconsiderate inhumanity,’ is altered to ‘utterly inconsiderate and unrighteous manner in which we are treated by the proprietor.’ Was that alteration made at the instance of the tenants ?

The original language was ‘wanton and inconsiderate inhumanity,’ and I suggested that they might say the same thing in milder language, and that was agreed to.

The original sentence was dictated by one of the tenants ?

Yes.

Do you abide by the statement in the paper, that General Burroughs is ‘utterly inconsiderate and unrighteous’ in his treatment of the people ?

With great respect, I speak as the mouth-piece of the people, and I really cannot withdraw the language.

I suppose the evictions of 1842 were not the work of General Burroughs ?

No, I wished to state this, but I forgot.

The subsequent evictions you referred to are the cases of the tenant of Hammer and the occupiers of East Craie ?

Yes.

How many evictions were there ?

East Craie was occupied by one crofter. He was evicted from one place which he had built and reclaimed, and then he was allowed to build in East Craie. The rent was then 10s., which has increased until it is now five times that amount.

How long was he in the place before the rent was raised in that way ?

We have a statement from him here – [reads]

‘Statement by William Robertson, crofter, of East Craie, Sourin, Rousay, for Her Majesty’s Royal Commission on the Highlands and Islands:

My croft of East Craie is on the property of General Burroughs of Rousay and Viera. I am a native of the parish of Rousay, and am now seventy-two years of age. About 1845, I took a small croft at another part of the island from that where I now live, and got on that croft about a quarter of an acre cultivated when I entered on it. I paid 22s. of rent on that holding. As I improved, more rent was put upon me, until at last I was obliged to leave it altogether. I then got permission to build a dwelling on the hillside where I now live, where there was no cultivation of any kind, nor houses. I began to build, and got up with much trouble a humble cottage and outhouses suitable. I ditched and drained more than I was able, and got a little of the heather surface broken up. At this time I paid 12s.; but again, as I improved, more and more rent was laid on till I am now rented at a sum which is five times the rent I paid at first for a house I built myself. At the same time the common was taken away from me, as from all others; so that I am now not able to pay such a rent, nor to defend myself in any way, as I am wholly under the control and will of the proprietor.

[signed] William Robertson. James Leonard, witness.’

The Chairman: Whom was the statement drawn up by ?

It was taken from his own mouth by James Robertson [his son] in his own language, and it is signed by himself.

Sir Kenneth Mackenzie: I suppose you don’t know the date when he removed from the one croft to the other ?

I cannot exactly say.

The paper does not say that ?

No.

The Chairman: The statement is written in the same handwriting as the other: whose handwriting is it ?

It is mine, but I merely wrote it because there was no other man able to do it. I was asked to do it, and I should consider it unbecoming of my position if I were to refuse such an office for any one.

Sir Kenneth Mackenzie: Two years ago the tenant of Hammer was evicted ?

Yes.

That is the only case of eviction mentioned, is it not, in General Burroughs’ time ?

Yes.

Do you know from what cause he was evicted ?

No cause whatever, except to make a large farm out of four holdings.

There were four tenants removed ?

No; the other two got some land.

What sort of rent was the tenant paying who was removed ?

I think he paid £15 a year.

And the other tenant who was removed, what became of him ?

The tenant of Hammer was evicted out of land, but the changes made then involved changes in three or rather four farms, and one of the tenants got the advantage of the other three by having their land given to him. Of the three who were evicted by that change, two got other land, one was allowed to remain in his own land, because the changes were not carried out owing to the ejections, and one got other land to reclaim, partly at least.

Are the tenants of Rousay in the habit of remonstrating with General Burroughs when he behaves in what they consider an unrighteous way to them ?

Yes.

Does he pay any attention to that ?

No practical attention; no remedy was given.

But you are aware that these grievances which exist have been represented to him as grievances?

Yes. The woman from Hammer is here to-day, and has been applying for parochial relief.

We are talking of the general complaint of inconsiderate conduct; was that represented to him ?

Yes.

Have you represented to him that there is this general bad feeling in the parish ?

I cannot remember very well. I have spoken to him on behalf of some of the poor, but I have not been long here, and I have no influence of any kind on the estate.

But you represent your own congregation, I suppose ?

I have spoken perhaps of that.

And you have not found he has paid any attention ?

No; there has been no attention paid, so far as I know.

There are certain large farms which have been made since 1842: has there been any increase in the size of the smaller holdings ?

I may mention before I answer that, that I was written to by the proprietor to visit the district where the disturbance took place, as the people all belonged to my congregation. I had just visited them before I received the letter, and I replied to that effect. He said, unless there was quiet, the sub-tenants would have to go out. In my reply I stated that the same threat ought to be held out to all parties, as it took two to make peace as well as to make a quarrel, and the one could not look for peace unless justice was first given as the seed of peace.

Did you point out the particular case of injustice to which you were referring ?

I said he ought not to hold a threat over the head of one and not over the heads of the others, because in that case the threat was not so much in the interest of justice as simply forcing of quiet.

Has there been any increase in the size of the smaller holdings ?

There may be some increase, but it is very largely by the people taking in and reclaiming land themselves.

Will that extension of the arable land not account for the desertion of the fishing ?

I cannot express an opinion upon the question.

Mr Fraser-Mackintosh: How long have you been minister here ?

About three years.

Are you a native of Rousay ?

No.

From where do you come ?

Glasgow.

You have been careful upon more than one occasion to state that you appear for the people as a delegate ?

Entirely.

I wish to ask you this question: So far as you yourself have had opportunities of observing the state of the parish in your intercourse with the people, are you disposed to agree in the correctness of the statements in the memorial ?

Yes. I already stated that to his Lordship in the chair, that I entirely concur in the statements.

You individually and personally do concur ?

Yes.

With reference to the houses, we have been informed in another part of the country, in one of these islands, that there are families occupying one room: do you refer to anything of this kind when you say the houses are unfit for habitation, or do you merely mean that they are in disrepair ?

I have often remarked where all the members of the family could sleep. There are only one or two bedrooms at the most.

You know cases where there is a considerable family and only two bedrooms ?

Yes; and as far as I know only one sleeping apartment, but I should not like to state that definitely. I have often wondered where all the family slept.

Are there leases, do you know, on General Burroughs’ property ?

I understand there are some.

Among the smaller people – those paying under £30 ?

Very few: I should think none, to people paying under £30.

You stated that the rental of the larger farms may have been increased within the last forty years or so ?

It may.

You have also stated that in some cases the rent has been quadrupled ?

There is one case, William Robertson’s, in which the rent has been increased fivefold.

Are you aware that any of the big farms have been quintupled ?

No, nor anything like it.

You have stated that you had no objection either to General Burroughs or his factor, but that you objected to the laws which enable him to cause considerable hardship and injustice to the tenants: is that not what you have stated ?

Yes. Of course my objection must apply to the proprietor and the factor both in their capacities as proprietor and factor; with their private character I have nothing to do.

So I understand you to mean that you don’t wish the law to be such as to enable any proprietor, good or bad, to do such things as the memorial complains of ?

Yes.

That is really what you are pointing at ?

Yes.

Because you must admit what the chairman has stated that there may be very bad laws and the landlord may be very good, so that these bad laws are practically inoperative ?

The bad laws may be inoperative under a good proprietor, certainly.

But you don’t wish that anybody good or bad should have these powers ?

Certainly not.

Mr Cameron: How long has this property been in the Burroughs family ?

I understand that the proprietor succeeded to his uncle. I think his uncle bought the estate, but I am not sure.

You stated that within recent periods – that is to say, within the time during which General Burroughs has been proprietor – there has been only one case of eviction?

Yes, only one so far as I know.

Such as people might complain of ?

I think there have been more previous cases.

But since General Burroughs has been in possession, there has been only one ?

Yes, there have been frequent cases. I heard to-day of one man who had been evicted three times after reclaiming three times.

I understood you to say that this case of Hammer was the only case of eviction by General Burroughs ?

No; the language of the memorial is, ‘one recent case, which only occurred two years ago.’

Can you state any other recent cases ?

There was the case of one of these people who were tenants of Breckan, who first received land some years ago and reclaimed it, partly at least, and after he had made a good farm for himself there, he was evicted at the same time as the Hammer people, and was sent to reclaim other land, or partly at least. He may have retained a part of the good land.

But he is still a tenant on General Burroughs’ property ?

Yes.

Do you know any other case in recent times where the tenant has been evicted absolutely by General Burroughs – wantonly evicted ?

I cannot state any other case of wanton eviction.

You state that the people are in the habit of reclaiming land ?

Yes.

Would this fact, coupled with the fact that there have been no wanton evictions, not rather tend to show that there is no great demand, any real demand, by the people for any further security of tenure – the two facts that there have been no evictions, and that the people are satisfied to reclaim land without leases: – does that not indicate that the people themselves have no real cause of alarm lest they should be turned out ?

Not in my opinion.

Were you born in Glasgow ?

Yes.

Have you ever been in the West Highlands ?

Yes; I am connected with the West Highlands.

You stated that the chief complaint about houses consisted in the wet coming through the roofs ?

Not entirely; they are in an undesirable condition.

But I think, in answer to the chairman, who requested to know in what respect the houses may be made better, you said that the chief complaint was that the wet came through the roof ?

That was the complaint that I heard to-day only, and it may be witnessed to by the parties present. But I regard the houses as not in the most cleanly condition, but far from it.

Comparing the houses here with those in the West Highlands, do you consider that the Orkney or West Highland crofters’ houses, are in the best condition ?

The only part of the West Highlands I have ever been in is Islay, and I consider the houses there are better.

Does wet come more through the houses in the West Highlands, or the houses in Orkney ?

In Orkney; the wet will come through the best houses in Orkney.

But it depends on the quantity of the wet, does it not ?

Yes.

The Chairman: In the case of small tenants taking up new ground – heather ground – and improving it, and afterwards having their rent, as they think, oppressively raised, are they allowed to sit some years at a nominal rent for the purpose of encouraging them to improve ?

Yes, they are; the old rent is not raised, perhaps for a year or two.

A year or two sounds very little; but have they a considerable term of years during which they pay a nominal rent ?

No; in some cases, there may be a considerable term, but I have heard great complaints of that, that they have no inducement to improve, because the rent will be at once put on.

Supposing a more considerable term of years at a low rent was given to them, during which they built their own houses and improved the ground, do you think that if they had compensation for improvements, they would object to a reasonable rise of rent at a period ?

Not if they were compensated for labour and material, I suppose. The complaint is that an increase is put upon the rent, which is already excessive.

You were asked about the moral effects of the houses; I should like to hear you state that more exactly. Do you think that overcrowding of the people in one or two rooms exists to such a degree as to be prejudicial to their morality and decency ?

I should be sorry to say that.

Do you think, in many cases, there is only one room actually in the dwelling ?

If your Lordship visited a house, you would observe, when you go out of the door, there is often a vast erection of beds, and you cannot say what is behind. I suspect the beds frequently form a partition betwixt one end of the house and the other. Of course, if you erected beds here it would practically form two rooms.

The box beds make a partition ?

So far as I am aware.

But there is always a partition between the cow-house and the room; or are there cases in which the cow-house is open to the room ?

I know of none such.

Are you aware of any cases in which two families – two married couples with children – are living in the same house of two rooms; I mean a father and his wife, and a son and his wife, or a near relative of the family and his wife ?

One of the delegates mentions a case, but I may say no to the question.

Have you any statement to make in addition, voluntarily ?

None, except that owing to the questions put by your Lordship and the other Commissioners, I desire to emphasise the statement, that I had nothing to do with this movement, but was requested repeatedly to come forward and act as the mouthpiece of the people. I rather avoided taking any part in the matter.

But I think it my duty to reiterate that we don’t wish you to regard any questions which have been put to you on this occasion, or our general attitude to you, as the least indicative of any blame that we cast upon you for having assumed these offices.

I did not understand your Lordship to do so; on the contrary, I must thank you for the courteous manner in which you have received me.

[Supplementary evidence.]

I desire to take this opportunity of supplementing the answer I gave to one of the questions put to me at Kirkwall on the 23rd July. I desire this specially, because the question was put twice – first to myself, and afterwards to General Burroughs of Rousay. It was, I think, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie who put the question on both occasions. The Commissioners will no doubt receive this answer in its ampler form, as the chairman said at the close of the sitting they could not hear any further evidence that day for want of time, although they were anxious to receive all available evidence. This was said in reply to my desire to be allowed to supplement one or two statements; and I therefore trust that this present statement now sent may be received and engrossed. The question I refer to was substantially to this effect –

Did you ever make any remonstrance to the proprietor, or represent to him the complaints of the people?

In replying, I was unable at the moment to remember any special instance of my having done so. I had not expected the question. But before the close of the sittings I recollected and stated two separate instances in which I had so acted. I now desire to state that on my settlement in Rousay I heard much complaint of various kinds from the people, all more or less connected with the land, and I entertained the idea of speaking to the proprietor on their behalf. I was, however, advised by the people not to do so, as it would be useless. They told me that my reverend predecessors in this ministerial charge had both of them expostulated in their day, the one (the Rev. George Ritchie) with Mr Traill, the uncle of the present proprietor, and the other (still living, but now in another charge) with the present proprietor himself. I was told that Mr Ritchie had solemnly warned Mr Traill of the results of his conduct, reminding him that ‘the earth is the Lord’s, and the fullness thereof.’ This was specially said in view of some evictions intended at the time. Mr Traill, however, persevered in these, or at least in his purpose; but within a twelvemonth, before that purpose was carried out, the cold hand of death laid him in his grave.

I was also informed that my immediate predecessor in this place had frequently remonstrated with the present proprietor, but never with any effect. I was generally dissuaded, therefore, from endeavouring a task apparently so fruitless. I resolved, however, after due consideration and experience, shortly after I was settled in Rousay, that it was my duty in the sight of the Most High to speak – my duty both to proprietor and people. I did speak accordingly to him on the subject of the state and complaints of the body of the people. I did so on an occasion when I met him near his own mansion-house, and was with him for some time. The result was anything but satisfactory, he practically declining to hear anything on the subject, and saying, “They agreed to pay their rents, and must do so” or words to that precise effect. I objected: – ‘What if they cannot?’ and I added, ‘They tell me, many of them, they cannot.’ His answer was, “Well, they must just leave and go elsewhere, and I’ll get others to do it.” After this, and the manner in which it was said, I felt it worse than fruitless to proceed with the subject.

Occasionally, from time to time, I made representations of a like nature. Two instances of this I mentioned in my evidence of 23rd July. On one of these occasions General Burroughs had written to me, requesting me to use my influence to get the peace kept between parties whom certain changes of his on the land had set at variance. I replied, amongst other things, that I had already visited them in the course of regular visitation only a few days previously, but that it was idle to expect peace till that justice of which peace is but the fruit was observed. I declare all this to be true with regard to my own action and experience as concerning proprietor and people. With regard to that of my predecessors in the ministry I now exercise here, I have every confidence in the testimony universally given to me here by those who ought to know well, and they are many.

[That concludes the Reverend MacCallum’s evidence]

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In Print

Rinyo



Rinyo is the name given to a Neolithic settlement, close to the farm of Bigland in Sourin. It was discovered in the winter of 1937-8 by James Yorston junior, having found some upright slabs of rock protruding through the earth on the lower terraces of the Head of Faraclett in an area known as the Braes of Rinyo.

The site was properly excavated initially under the direction of Professor Vere Gordon Childe and Trumland Estate owner Walter G. Grant in 1938. The war years intervened, after which excavation resumed and finished in the summer of 1946. Remains of at least seven cellular houses of drystone construction, architecturally similar to those at Skara Brae, were found. The houses had central hearths and stone furniture, including beds and dressers, and there was also evidence for drainage. The finds consisted of numerous pot-sherds, including some of beaker ware, 250 flint implements including a polished knife; stone axes and balls, an ‘ovoid B’ stone mace-head, a mortar and potlids.

The Rinyo settlement was filled in and, unfortunately, little or nothing remains to denote its existence nowadays. Given the attraction that Skara Brae is today, and if Rinyo was preserved in a similar fashion, Rousay would have needed a much bigger boat to ferry the visiting masses in order to view such an interesting site!

Below are links to two extensive articles, extracted from the Proceedings of The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland – both of which can be found in the periodical section of Orkney Library & Archive under reference: 941.

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In Print

Rinyo ~ Part 2



Rinyo, Rousay, Part 2 Vol 81 1946-47 Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.

Proceedings Of The Society, 1946-48.

A Stone Age Settlement at the Braes of Rinyo, Rousay, Orkney.
(Second Report.) by Professor V. G. Childe, D.LITT., D.Sc., F.B.A., F.S.A.,
F.S.A.Scot., and WALTER G. GRANT of Trumland, F.S.A.Scot.

Read March 10, 1947.

I. Excavations.

The operations of July – August 1946 were concentrated firstly on areas lying immediately north of dwelling A and, like it, nestling at the foot of the little cliff that shelters the settlement on the east and has helped to preserve it. In this direction the operation of the winter 1937-38 had exposed a hearth (F) and the door and bed of a dwelling (G). Then in the same summer part of a hearth (He) had been discovered under the casing wall of A, between A and F, and at the same time a segment presumed to represent the east wall of the assumed dwelling E had been identified. It was hoped by the removal of ruinous structures attributed to F to recover the north wall and other features of E. But these expectations were only partially realised (fig. 1, below).

In 1938 we had remarked that the 77- and 78-foot contours (plotted by extrapolation) swerved eastward over the area of E, and had treated this as a natural feature in the conformation of the land. It now appears that north of the assumed area of E these contours resume the same north-north-west trend as they exhibited over B and A, and as the 76-foot contour does everywhere. Moreover, the east wall of E turns out to be a mere skin-deep retaining wall; behind the facing course stood a slab on edge, and behind that virgin soil or pure hill-wash sloped up very steeply (Plate III, 1). Presumably, therefore, the east end of “dwelling E” had been excavated in the subsoil to a depth of at least 2 feet. No continuation of the wall, which had been traced in 1938 to a ragged break, was found. Just where the wall breaks off we found a socket-hole in the subsoil, over 8 inches deep, 10 inches long, and 4 inches wide; it had evidently held a slab or post set transversely to the line of the existing wall segment.

Under the area occupied by Hf a bank of yellow clay, full of fractured bits of rock and rather dirty, but archaeologically sterile, runs east and west over the virgin soil. It is taken to represent the filling of the north wall of dwelling E. On the east this material can scarcely be distinguished from the steeply sloping virgin soil, but farther west a thin black band, containing small scraps of pottery and bone, defines the frontier between the natural and the laid clay, and there is a bed of fractured slabs at the base of the latter. Along the southern margin of the bank is a rough wall of very small slabs that now forms one side of a drain channel. To the west the bank abuts against the north end of a pair of slabs on edge rising scarcely one foot above the floor of dwelling E, but presumably representing part of its west wall.

The chamber floor consists of virgin soil at the east end and elsewhere of midden, covered with a thin skin of yellow clay or with slate paving-slabs. On it the only surviving articles of furniture are the hearth, He, and a small box, P, to the north-east of the latter. He measures internally about 2 feet 6 inches square and is defined by four stout kerbstones, measuring respectively 2 feet 10 inches x 12 inches (S.), 2 feet 9 inches x 1 foot 4 inches (W.), 3 feet x 1 foot 5 inches (N.), and 2 feet 4 inches x 9 inches (E.). The east end of the north kerb is sunk 6 inches in virgin soil, and the east kerb and end of the south kerb also descend into it. A supplementary kerb, 1 foot long, strengthens the north kerb at its west end. The hearth was bottomed with a stout slab 2 feet 6 inches by 2 feet, trimmed along the south edge to fit the kerbs but leaving a gap at the north-west corner to communicate with the drain. On it lay 10 inches of peat ash in which three black layers could be seen in section.

The floor immediately north of the hearth is paved with slates for 2 feet, and these slabs, actually covering drains, extend also 3 feet east of the hearth at the north-east corner (Pl. III, 1). Beyond these but only a foot in front of the east wall two slabs project 4 inches above the natural clay floor to form two sides of a shallow box P, the west side of which is extended northward by a third slab that scarcely emerges from the subsoil. The east and north ends are missing. Between the uprights were three layers of horizontal slabs, with clean clay between and around them. The uppermost had ‘a maximum width of 1 foot 8 inches and a length of 3 feet; the two lower layers were composed of superimposed halves of a single slab, shown by the impression burnt on it to have previously served as the base for an oven like the slabs discovered in A and C during 1938. The lower half lay directly on virgin soil.

The dwelling floor was traversed by three drains running under the pavement slates (Pl. III, 2, above). One begins under the east wall, presumably to carry off the water that exudes abundantly from rock-beds and flows down the cliffs after heavy rain. It runs north-west to join, just north-east of the hearth, a second drain. This starts at the shallow box P, and passes along the north side of He to debouche into a third drain running north and south, past and partly under the west kerb of He. It was very neatly constructed with trimmed slates set obliquely to converge and form a V-shaped channel6 inches deep. It appeared to start under the bank of clay, 6 feet north of the corner of He, emerging from beneath a stout slab at the margin of the bank and eventually flowing out southward in the direction of A. Just after emerging from the bank this drain is joined by another east-west drain which, as already mentioned, flowed along the south margin of the bank at a distinctly higher level than the north-south channel. Its northern margin was a rough two-course wall, while the south side was formed of the usual tilted slates. This drain starts explicitly in an irregular hollow scooped out of the clay just north-west of box P. But a channel, running along the west side of that box from the south, seems to communicate with this depression. It looks, in fact, as if the drains running along the north side of He had become blocked and their contents had been diverted by this circuitous route in the direction of the main north-south channel. For there was a second layer of slates over the pavement east of He but high enough to leave a channel under them.

The floor of F had been disturbed, and its walls are altogether missing save perhaps for some slabs over He. Eight inches above the latter’s west kerb is the base of a slab on edge, 16 inches high and 21 inches long. This together with pillar-stones on either side of it may have formed the back to some construction in dwelling F. On its north side a series of stout slabs, at 17.10 *, extend for 3 feet northward in the direction of Hf. Beneath them are 8 inches of midden packing, then some thin slabs, and then clay to the floor of E at 15.65. But the topmost set of slabs cover a slab on edge that looked as if it ought to belong to the series that runs west of Hf and appears contemporary therewith. The floor of F when uncovered in 1946 was so much disturbed that it was impossible to decide whether the slabs over He and the walls they support belonged to F or to some subsequent construction. A layer of yellow clay that covers the former E area at an average level of 16.40 from the outer wall of G to the rock-face on the east is the foundation rather than the living floor of F, and underlies the hearth and dresser, the only intelligible remnants of the dwelling’s former furniture. [ * The levels in these Reports are referred to an arbitrary datum 65.30 feet above Ordnance Datum].

Hf, formed of four stout kerbs about 9 inches high, is set on the top of the clay bank mentioned in connection with the north wall of dwelling E. It measured internally 2 feet 8 inches by 2 feet 4 inches and was filled to 17.25 with red ash. It rests on a thick bed of yellow clay above the dirtier clay of the bank and a slate slab to the north. In the clay base we observed an oval depression extending from the centre to the north-east corner, but only 3 inches deep.

Only 3 feet east of this hearth two piers of a dresser rise 1 foot above the clay floor. They are represented by stout slabs on edge that face built walls of the same height projecting 1 foot 2 inches. The back of the recess between these piers is formed by a slab on edge rising to the same height. A second similar slab to the south must have formed the back to the second recess. The southern pier, that should have bounded it, is missing, and may have been partly constituted by a projecting outcrop of bed-rock. Immediately behind the slabs undisturbed soil rises in a steep slope from the floor-level about 17.50 to the top of the rock-shelf at 19.90 in 3 feet behind the back slabs.

Opposite the dresser, and about the same distance west of the hearth, ran a line of slabs on edge. The highest, 3 feet 6 inches long, on its upper edge rises to 18.05, some 15 inches above the clay of the floor. Its base rested on the slabs paving E just above the drain. The next slab to the north disintegrated between 1937 and 1946. In that year we found a third slab, j, in the same line, 2 feet long and 1 foot 6 inches high. Its upper edge at 16.35 seems to limit the clay floor in that direction.

The back of the wall of dwelling G, that is still intact to a level of 17, may have formed the front wall to house F, unless that were earlier than G. Immediately north of Hf, however, begins a ruinous wall, running north-north-west, the base of which is 17.85, well above the floor-level of F. It was faced to the east and has tilted back bodily westward (Pl. IV, 1, right). It could once have served as a casing wall to G.

Dwelling G. – In 1937-8 the doorway of a dwelling opposite and north of the door of A had been observed, and the south-east corner and right-hand bed of this chamber had been cleared down to the floor-level. The whole area was systematically excavated in August 1946. Although situated under a ploughed field, the complete circuit of the walls was recovered save for a break in the south-west corner. On the west the wall-tops emerge into the tilth and actually show dints from the ploughshare, yet they were found standing to a height of 15 to 18 inches from the floor. The east end, in land not recently cultivated, is in better condition; the walls stand 2 feet to 2 feet 6 inches high and individual uprights still higher. The whole walled area west of the door and bed was filled to the wall-tops with a deposit of reddish soil or midden containing ashes, burnt bones, pottery, and Skaill knives, but very few flints. This deposit extended northward even beyond the dresser and the outer face of the wall behind it. Its surface sloped down across the chamber from 16 on the north to 15.5 on the south, and from 16 at the bed-front to 15.25 over the west wall. Against the piers of the dresser and in the recesses between them, as in the north-east corner, were piles of grey clay very tightly packed (fig. 2 XB and YR, below).

Pots were found standing in the midden at several levels but the succession of “floors” was rather vague. A layer of grey ash poor in relics seemed on the eastern side (that is for the first 6 or 7 feet west of the bed) to separate an upper occupation level (8) from a lower one (7) the surface of which sloped from 15.3 to 15.15. Sherds of four vessels decorated with a lozenge pattern were found exclusively in the upper deposit. The grey ash, however, hardly constituted a floor. The deposit below it rested on a very irregular and rather discontinuous “pavement” of thin slabs (Pl. IV, 2, above). Few of these were strictly horizontal; quite a number were found leaning up against original structures rising above the dwelling floor such as the bed-front and the erection termed “wall G’.” Between and under such tilted slabs, bones of cattle and sheep and potsherds were preserved. No hearth or other fitment was found upon these slabs, but they completely masked the original furniture of the dwelling. Only on their removal was its original lay-out manifest. It is indeed not unlikely that the alleged pavement is nothing more nor less than the collapsed roof of that dwelling.

Chamber G (fig. 3, above), in contrast to the prevailing practice at Skara Brae, is entered through its longer side; it is, in fact, broader than it is long! It measures 15 feet from the south wall beside the door to the central pier of the recessed dresser, but 18 feet 3 inches across the beds. The corners of the east wall are as usual rounded. In the north-east corner, though the wall is only 18 inches high, the usual corbelling produces an overhang at the ninth course of no less than 9 inches! The south-west corner has, been broken away, but the west wall makes a distinct, if slightly obtuse, angle with the north wall, and is not bonded into it as far as the masonry survives; the junction is plugged with yellow clay (Pl. VII, 2).

The door is set some 18 inches right of centre in the south wall (Pl. V, 1). It was apparently of type i (Skara Brae, p. 13), but only the right-hand jamb and cheek are intact. The cheek is faced with a slaty slab that is preserved to a height of only 1 foot 10 inches, but enough to show half the hole for the bar that had been cut through it. A stout slab on edge set athwart the passage opposite in line with the jamb may be taken for a secondary threshold that would correspond with the slab layer (7) over the chamber.

The right-hand bed is recessed into the east wall, 1 foot to 1 foot 6 inches, as in chamber A (Pl. V, 1, left). Its front is formed, not by a kerb, but by a wall of rather thin slabs, now 6 feet 6 inches long and 10 inches to 15 inches high. The south bedpost or headstone is a fine slab nearly 2 feet 6 inches wide and standing over 3 feet high above the floor. Between it and the upright facing the end of the recess is a gap about 1 foot wide partially closed by a slab on edge scarcely 1 foot high. The north bedpost was found leaning southward against the end of the bed-front with its base 1 foot away or 7 feet 6 inches from its southern counterpart. It is only 2 feet 3 inches high and 2 feet 4 inches wide along its upper edge, which alone impinged against the dwelling wall. Its base is only 1 foot 9 inches wide, so that there was a gap nearly 7 inches wide and 18 inches high between the slab and the wall. This bed was not paved, but its floor seems to have been raised 1 foot above that of the rest of the chamber by a deposit of dirty but archaeologically sterile clay, very similar in texture to the clay bank north of E and quite possibly an actual continuation of that.

The left-hand bed, 7 feet long and 3 feet 6 inches deep, was built out from the wall and framed with slabs, again as in dwelling A. It had however collapsed, and its fallen walls were completely covered by the slabs of the secondary “pavement.” The south headstone, 3 feet 6 inches long and 2 feet 3 inches high, had first fallen out southward and was actually found leaning against the broken end of wall G’. The front kerb, 7 feet long and just over 1 foot high, had then fallen inward over the headstone’s base. Finally the north headstone, 3 feet. 6 inches long and nowhere over 2 feet high, had fallen inwards covering one end of the kerb (Pl. VI, 1). The floor was probably paved with slabs that had largely disintegrated.

The central hearth (Pl. V, 1) is just over 3 feet wide by 3 feet 6 inches long. Only the east and west kerbs are formed of slabs on edge: That on the west measures 3 feet by 4 inches by 7½ inches high. The eastern one is represented by three sections now no more than 5 inches high. A horizontal slab 1 foot wide and 4 inches thick bounded the hearth on the north. A similar slab took the place of the south kerb for 2 feet 4 inches, but a kerb-stone occupied the westmost foot. Outside the east kerb a thin slab on edge rises 11 inches from the clay floor and runs parallel to the original kerb for 18 inches northward from its centre. Just at this point a kerbstone, 2 feet 4 inches long and 14 inches high, is set across the hearth (Pl. V, 2). Presumably these two stones represent a secondary version of the hearth. Actually the deposit of red ash was deeper north of the transverse kerb and spread over the prostrate north kerb of the original hearth as shown in section YR. Yet the slabs of the later “pavement” rested on the edges of the two secondary kerbs.

The dresser must have been recessed into the north wall, but only the three pier ends survive (Pl. V, 2). That on the east projects 4 inches south of the line of the wall and may have fallen forward. The eastern recess is 6 inches narrower than the western. The topmost layer of midden extends right across the dresser’s piers, but the clay below is interrupted by a slot, nearly 4 feet long, 4 inches wide, and 9 inches deep, that evidently once contained a back slab to the dresser standing some 2 feet behind the front at the centre pier. Six inches farther north stood two or three courses of the rear wall, faced to the north only.

Between the hearth and the dresser is a box, framed by four slate slabs. The box, not strictly rectangular but rather diamond-shaped, is in all 1 foot 2 inches deep, but there was a false bottom about 11 inches below the rim. The east and west sides were formed of two slabs the inner of which rested on the false bottom, while the outer, like the north and west walls, went down the full 1 foot 2 inches. In the middle of the upper edge of the north side a semicircular notch about 1 inch across and ½ inch deep had been chipped. The box was luted all round outside with a ½-inch layer of yellow clay right down to the slate that forms the floor. The bottom was formed of a stout slaty slab, found cracked but originally measuring just over 2 feet square, its corners having been carefully rounded. In it is a shallow depression 1 foot 3 inches by 1 foot 6 inches like the oven bases found in A and C but diamond-shaped like the box. The box was found covered by a large slate extending up to the dresser base and supporting the layers of blue and white clay attributed to the secondary occupation. Whether or no this slab itself be an original lid, the top of the box, rising to 15.40 above datum, must have emerged well above the original floor of G, here between 15.0 and 14.85 above datum.

West of it for about 2 feet were several layers of hard yellow clay within which was a bed ½ inch thick baked bright red at 14.20 but dipping to 13.90 at foot of dresser. It probably marked the site of a clay oven, but whether this belonged to G, to the earlier habitations represented by Hi nearby, or to the secondary occupation of the chamber could not be determined owing to the shallowness of the total deposit here.

An abnormal feature in chamber G is the construction termed wall G’ interposed between the hearth and the south wall of the dwelling (Pl. V, 1). It has the appearance of a built wall extending 5 feet westward from a point 3 feet in front of the left-hand corner of the entrance. Here it stands 18 inches or three courses high, and is concave to the north like the dwelling wall proper. The west end is a ragged break, but opposite the doorway it ends in a straight face two courses deep, but after a gap of 2 feet its line is resumed by two foundation-stones extending to the south corner of the right-hand bed. The base of this wall is about 4 inches lower than that of the south wall of the dwelling and it is over 2 feet thick. There is a gap between it and the dwelling wall of nearly 10 inches opposite the west cheek of the door, but about 2 feet to the west the back slabs of G’ abut against the face of the G wall and continue so till G’ breaks off, though the two walls are nowhere bonded into one another as far as can be seen now. The reddish midden deposit filling the chamber was not observed over the top of wall G’, which rises into the recent humus, but filled the gaps between it and the dwelling wall near the doorway. The slabs of the secondary floor (7) were found leaning against it and completely covering its southern extension. Hence it existed when this “pavement” was laid down and the secondary deposits formed in the chamber area. The paving-slabs and lintels over the south drain do not run under it, and the yellow clay that forms the dwelling floor elsewhere extends only 1 inch under its face. It thus looks as if wall G’ existed when dwelling G was laid out. It gives the impression of the remnant of the wall enclosing an earlier dwelling that had been deliberately left in place when G was built, perhaps to serve as a bench. But it is hard to see how the good inner face of the latter wall could have been built up hard against the back of a pre-existing wall. Yet we shall see later that the back of the south wall of G itself is built hard against the face of an earlier wall.

The floor of dwelling G sloped down appreciably to the south-west. In the north-east and north-west corners it is defined by slates at 14.80 above our datum and in the south-east corner at 14.65. But the floor under the left-hand bed seems to be as low as 14.25 – 14.40, though here the decay of the collapsed bedposts and other slabs makes its precise definition difficult. Between the right-hand bed and the hearth the floor is formed of a thin layer of yellow clay that extends also north of the hearth towards the dresser and about a foot westward in front of the left-hand bed. In it, north-west of the hearth, is a triangular group of three post-holes, that at the apex being 8 inches square and 8 inches deep, the others only 2 to 4 inches across and framed with small stones set edgewise. Another triangular group of small post-holes, similarly formed, lay north of the hearth. One of the stones framing the central socket in the latter group has been artificially grooved on the face used to hold the post.

The clay floor is far from even. Just in front of the right-hand bed near its north end there was a bowl-shaped hollow, 2 feet long and 1 foot 6 inches wide and about 3 inches deep at its centre. There is another north-west of the hearth nearly 6 inches deep. Over this we found a flat, water-worn stone, some 18 inches square and 4½ inches thick, resting on midden above the clay floor (Pl. V, 1). It would have served well for a seat by the fireside, but also helped to fill up the depression. The latter depression was found to occupy the line of a drain; the other was found to occupy a space between the stumps of earlier walls, masked by the clay floor.

The south-east corner is paved with several layers of slaty slabs the lowest of which run under the dwellings’ wall. It is bounded by a shallow slab on edge in line with the bed-front. The north-west corner was also entirely paved with large slates. On these lay a large water-worn boulder, and beside it a freestone block rubbed smooth and slightly concave on one face. The slabs were found to cover a V-shaped drainage channel bordered by slates as under E (Pl. VII, 2). But here there are on each side two slates set so that the lower edges of all converge on the same line, but while there is barely a foot between the upper edges of the inner slabs in each pair, those of the outer ones are nearly 2 feet apart. The space between the slates was filled with a greenish material, almost certainly dung, which exuded from under the north wall and has stained the clay floor of the older dwelling, I, below. But the channel did not run out under the north wall, its end there being marked by a slate set on edge but sloping inward, between the last drain slates and the wall base. The channel was traced from here for nearly 5 feet in the direction of Hg, within which distance its bottom sloped down from 14.00 to 13.50. As will subsequently appear, the drain channel has cut into an earlier hearth, Hi, and disturbed its ash contents. The hollow in the clay floor north-west of Hg may be attributed to the decay of the drain lintels. The channel could not be traced further south. But from the front of the left-hand bed to within a foot of Hi there lay a series of paving-slates connecting with those that lintel the south drain to be described below. Though no built channel was found beneath these, they did not fit firmly on to the underlaying clay but covered a loose deposit of greasy earth.

The whole area between Hg and the base of wall G’ and up to the left-hand bed was paved with heavy overlapping slabs, not covered by the yellow clay of the floor (Pl. VI, 1, right). The uppermost slabs covered and overlapped others. The whole complex roofed a channel, 16 inches wide at the top and9 inches deep, running from east to west downwards (P1. VI, 2). It started about 6 inches east of the gap in wall G’ and ran for 5 feet 6 inches west, its clay floor dropping from 14.80 to 14.00. Its end is a wall of three tiny slabs, 5½ inches deep (almost in line with the older wall T below it). The south wall is rather vague till after 6 inches west a tilted slab, transverse to its line, might mark the end of a branch channel under G’ which, however, could not be detected farther south. Thereafter the south wall is formed of three neatly trimmed rectangular slates, 9 inches high and set overlapping. There is a possible inlet from the south-east corner of Hg through the north wall which is composed of three slates, like its counterpart. The channel was lined with yellow clay laid over a bottom of slates till it ended in a sloping layer of grey clay. It led into an early hearth, Hh, the east kerb of which had apparently been cut through to make a channel for it, while the north kerb’s end is in contact with the channel walls. No discharge for drainage carried by the channel was found from the hearth unless it were along the “pavement,” layer 4, beneath it. But the channel contained only loose silt and gave no signs of exposure to heat on its walls or lintels. It is therefore more likely to be a drain than a flue. Perhaps, as suggested below, the discharge from this channel and that from the north drain were really allowed to seep down to the pavement-level and flow away between the loose slabs that composed its upper layer.

Deposits under the Floor of G.

Deposit 5. – Under the floor of dwelling G we encountered at least five earlier deposits. To Deposit 5 belong the two hearths into which the north and south drains led. (fig. 4, below). The south drain debouched directly into hearth Hh. It is as usual framed by four kerbstones; all are 8 to 9 inches high, the southern is 38 inches long, the western 30 inches, the northern 36 inches, but of the eastern only the southernmost 12 inches survive, the rest having been cut away to make the channel for the south drain of G (Pl. VI, 2). The top of Hh lies at 14 feet above our datum, vertically under the corner of the left-hand bed of G and covered by the slabs of its pavement.

A slab that runs under the broken end of wall G’ overlaps the south kerb. So the hearth is older than both G and G’. A triangular notch, 5 inches deep, has been cut about midway along the inner face of the north kerb, and a similar, but rather shallow, notch was cut opposite to it in the south kerb (Pl. VII, 2, left). The notches were apparently designed to accommodate two triangular slabs which were actually found set across the hearth, the edge of one rising fully 4 inches above the top of the adjacent kerb, though neither reach the base of the hearth (Pl. VII, 1). West of this division the hearth was found filled with peat ash, bright red on top and black at the base, 10 inches deep and going down to the black layer termed Deposit 4. East of the partition the uppermost layer of red ash extended almost to the east kerb, but was only 4 inches deep. The remaining 6 inches were taken up by a bank of bluish clay in which the lower edges of the partition slabs were embedded.

Hh may be regarded as the central hearth of a ruined dwelling, H. In any case the hearth is surrounded by a yellow clay floor. Immediately south of the hearth there is an irregular depression lined with the same clay but only 3 to 4 inches deep. Just under 2 feet west of the hearth a slab on edge, 3 feet 6 inches long and 1 foot high, rises 8 inches above the clay floor (Pl. VII, 2). The line is continued for 6 inches by a smaller slate slab on edge. Both might represent the front of a bed. Finally, just 7 feet south-west of Hg we exposed a segment of inner wall face, 3 feet 9 inches behind the face of G’s south wall but approximately parallel thereto with its base at 14.05. It was intact for only 4 feet. Its western end has been disturbed by the plough, but gives hints of a return that might represent one cheek of a doorway. At the opposite end there is another stone projecting inwards from the line of the face.

Less than 2 feet north of Hh and at almost the same level lay the other hearth, Hi. Its west kerb is 2 feet 6 inches long and 10 inches high. The south kerb, 6.5 inches high, has been broken off 2 feet from its junction with the western. The east kerb is missing altogether. The north kerb is represented by two fragments with a gap of 12 inches between them, but if completed would have been 2 feet 6 inches long. The gap in the north kerb and the truncation of the southern one are undoubtedly due to the north drain of G. Its channel cuts right through the red ash filling Hi, the last surviving slate of its south-west wall actually resting against the sloping face of the ash (P1. VII, 2). The top of the ash in Hi rises to 13.80 above our datum.

This hearth is embedded in a yellow clay floor, laid down before the present west kerb was put in position, which slopes up from 13.90 west of the hearth to 14.10 under the north wall of G. To the north the surface of the clay is stained green by the dung from the drain, and farther east it is cut through by that channel. In this floor, just north-west of Hi, there is a round bowl-shaped depression, 1 foot across and just 7 inches deep at its centre and lined with yellow clay. From its position and level the wall G’ might have framed a chamber in which Hi was the central hearth, but no further indications of the former existence of such a chamber, I, were detected within the area of G.

East of the area disturbed by the north drain we found, under the hearth and floor of G, slabs supporting an occupation deposit that might be associated with H or I or with any earlier deposit subsequent to 4. Right under Hg, but separated therefrom by a slab and clay layer, was a thin patch of red ash about 2 feet across. Near its northern margin was a shallow depression formed by slates tilted down so that their lower ends converged to form a sort of inverted pyramid. Farther east and north the floor of G rested on stumps of collapsed walls. The surviving slabs are in hopeless disorder, as if the later builders had torn out the better stones for use in their own work. So it is impossible to say whether these stumps once formed part of the walls encircling chambers H, I, or even E. In the north-east corner of G they rest on, or interlock with, the debris of a substantially earlier wall, T, on the stump of which the north wall of G and the east pier of its dresser rest almost directly. Farther west, the rest of the dresser, part of the limpet box and even the north half of Hi, rest on the debris of another early wall, J, the collapsed face of which mingles inconveniently with the ruins of T. In fact under the north end of G we found only wall debris and the unstratified packing that the walls had once sustained.

But south of the sloping edge of this tough packing the stumps of walls, trending east to west at an angle with the line of T, are embedded in and rest on a reddish ashy midden deposit nearly a foot deep below the floor of G’ from 14.24 to 13.30 under G’ at the south-west corner of the bed and under the banked clay inside the bed from 14.40 to 13.40. At its base three complete pot-bases were found. A similar midden deposit lay under the pavement at 15.40 immediately outside the door of G. Here the whole deposit was 18 inches deep, but the ash layers were interrupted by a band of paler ash mixed with more clay from 14.40 to 14.20, which corresponds roughly to the foundations of walls G and H. Below this band the ash went on down to a darker occupation deposit between 13.70 and 13.45, from which large fragments of several pots, two clay balls, and several fine flint implements were obtained. This deposit may be bracketed with that near the south end of the right-hand bed in G as 5a. It would seem to be older than H as well as G, since the base of the wall attributed to H lies upon it, but is later than 4, which is found below it and separated from it by another band of reddish ash 11½ inches thick.

Deposit 4. – The slabs first exposed at the base of Hh proved to belong to a crazy pavement that extended over the greater part of the area, later occupied by G, and beyond it to the south in the direction of D. This pavement consists of at least two layers of slabs, overlapping like drain lintels. The slabs of the upper layer do not rest tightly on those below them nor fit together very accurately, so that yawning gaps appear between them. The pavement was covered with an intensely black greasy deposit which fills up the gaps between the slabs and shows up as a black band in the walls of the excavation where the slabs have been pulled out. It constitutes Deposit 4. In the south-west corner lumps of peat were lying on the pavement included in the black layer. The overlying deposits of ash and wall stumps below the clay floors of G, H, and I had been fairly porous. The basal slabs of the pavement fit rather closely, and rest on a thin skin of clay that seals the red ash of Deposit 3 below. It looks as if the discharge of drains had been allowed to seep down to the pavement-level and flow away over it to the south.

The pavement begins somewhere west of G, emerging from beneath its west wall about 13.00 above our datum between Hh and Hi (Pl. VIII, 1, below left). To the south we found it again with the appropriate black deposit outside the door of G at 12.85. Within the area of G, south of the middle of Hi, the pavement slopes up for 8 to 10 feet to a wall, T, running within the chamber north and south (fig. 5, above). This wall first appears, some 18 inches south of the east pier of the dresser, as a mere stump two or three courses high, with a level top at 13.60 which the black deposit and upper pavement slabs override. Six feet farther south it breaks off altogether. But after a gap of 3 feet, its line is resumed under G’ and could be traced under the entrance passage, but with its top here only 12.9 above datum. It was not picked up outside the door of G, probably because an eastward trend, already noticeable within the entrance, brought it outside the area accessible to excavation. Northward wall T continues but in much better preservation, so that, under the north wall of dwelling G, its top reaches 14.20 and actually supports the later wall. Here it is built with a heavy batter facing west-north-west and is beginning to curve away eastward (PI. IX, 1, below right).

Wall T supports in the north a core of slabs and clay-and-rnidden packing on which the walls and floors in the north-east corner of G rests. Stones from its upper courses seem to have slipped forward over its stump to rest on the black layer at its base. They are perhaps hopelessly entangled with the similar debris from wall J that runs from the south-west corner of dwelling G obliquely towards wall T, so that it would have met it just where it begins to turn east. But, significantly enough, wall J breaks off before reaching wall T and, still more significantly, the pavement that generally overlies it itself fades out under the northern end of chamber G from about the centre of hearth Hi and so opposite the better preserved sections of wall T.

South of this sector the pavement of 4 ran up to the face of wall T, and its top layer actually continued over its stump for a couple of feet, up to the level of the front of the right-hand bed in G. But 2 feet 6 inches to 2 feet 9 inches before reaching T there is a partial interruption in its continuity (Pl. VIII, 2). The straight edges of three adjacent slabs at 13.25 to 13.45 all end along a line 5 feet long parallel to the “face” of T, that is resumed after a gap under the line of the south drain. This line looked like a wall edge, and for a foot or so actually did form a face two courses deep. But beneath it other slabs, overlapped by the three aligned ones, projected east of the line coming right up to the face of T at 13.05 – 13.40, and slabs from the higher pavement layer also projected beyond it. Though these looked like lintels they never actually reached, still less rested on, the stump of T. The black layer continued right up to the face of T, being 8 inches deep and rather looser in texture between it and the superficial break. Indeed this deposit continues across the line of T right up to the east wall of chamber G behind the bed, but it slopes up and grows thinner but rather tougher and more clay-like; in the north-east corner of the bed it is only 2 inches thick, lying between 13.65 and.13.85 above our datum. Probably it ran on under the wall to the foot of the steep rock-slope under the F area. For here we found a similar black band at about 14.90 to 15.00 above datum, on a level with the west drain under chamber E. But east of the line of T the black layer is tougher and poorer in sherds than under G among the paving-slabs.

Wall T looks like the casing wall of a chamber lying east of G. But there is clearly no room for a dwelling between it and the natural cliff behind E and F. Actually a wide trench dug to virgin soil outside G, but parallel to and only 8 to 10 feet east of T, disclosed no inner wall faces, articles of furniture, or deposit suggestive of such a dwelling, but only virgin soil at a higher level than the top of T. The packing T supported might then have constituted a platform, but it is uncertain what, if anything, stood thereon. The wall is presumably not only older than G but also than the midden deposits, termed 5a, that occur above its stumps. If chamber F were older than G and also than Deposit 5a, it could conveniently have been accommodated on a platform thus supported. No relics indicative of relative date were associated with the ruinous remains of F, but it would be surprising if so superficial a structure had been really very ancient. On the other hand it is possible that the pavement under G and to the south thereof is no older than wall T but actually composed of stones removed from its face. The basal paving-slabs, often over 3 inches thick, more than 2 feet 6 inches long and 2 feet wide, would make good building stones. The absence of the paving where wall T stands to a relatively high level, under the north end of G, would be explicable on this assumption. It is none the less certain, that the slabs had been deliberately laid out and that the pavement thus formed is substantially older than the overlying deposits and structures in the G area.

Deposit 3. – The basal slabs of the pavement just described in the south and west part of the G area rest tightly on a thin skin of pale clay that seals a deep layer of unusually bright red peat ash. This extends from the south-west corner to the line of the front of the right-hand bed eastward, and northward to the middle of hearth Hi. Farther north it seems to fade out in the midden packing under the north-west corner of G, but along line FU the red ash extends at least to the base of wall T and under slabs on which the foundation of this rests, at least up to the point where the north wall of G crosses it. Behind wall T only 4 inches of clay and ash, much less red than the typical ash of Deposit 3, intervene between the black layer (4) and the grey clay bed equivalent to (2). But farther south, where the line of wall T is broken away, a layer of red ash extends right up to the front of the bed between 12.95 and 12.30, though it is thinning out in this direction and is again more mixed with clay and small stones. At the base of the east wail of G, in the bed and outside the door, this red-ash layer is missing altogether, and the pavement of 4 rests directly on grey clay identical in texture with that underlying layer 3 elsewhere.

As found typically between the west wall of G and wall T, layer 3 seems to consist mainly of peat ash. It was very soft and wet, of the consistency of Orkney cheese. It was everywhere full of bones and bits of pottery, but these had been reduced to the same consistency. Under the west wall of G and Hh the deposit was about 8 inches deep, not counting 2 inches of more clayey material sealing it. In general, layer 3 contracts to the west; it is only 5 inches thick on the line of wall T at the point where this breaks off, and northward along the same line it has shrunk to barely 4 inches below the north wall of G at the base of the upstanding section of wall T. Here too it was tougher and mixed with more stones, partly perhaps because no longer separated from the overlying deposits by a continuous bed of slabs. But even here it retained its distinctive red colour and contained plenty of sherds and bones, as usual terribly disintegrated.

Deposits 2 and 1. – Under the south-west corner of dwelling G and under the top of a wall, J, emerges into the red layer. This wall curves in from the south-west as far as Hh and then, when only some 3 feet from the line of G’s west wall, begins to run fairly straight north-east till it is 7 feet 6 inches from that line and only 3 feet from the base of wall T. Here it breaks off (P1. IX, 2). Wall J is nowhere more than three courses high, but is certainly faced to the south-east and south with an already appreciable batter. Behind the line of face a tough packing of clay, stones, and midden looks like a wall-core. So J looks like the outer wall of a chamber assumed to lie to the west of G.

In front of the face there is a sort of paving of rather thin slaty slabs on which the foundation course rests. On this, against the face, there is a grey deposit of clay mixed with many fragments of rock and some ash, and all extremely tough. A similar deposit extends below the paving and underlies the red layer where wall J breaks off, and immediately underlies the black layer where the red is missing. It is generally almost sterile, but in front of wall J looks like a genuine occupation deposit containing plenty of sherds and bones and at least two Skaill knives – Deposit 2. Deeper down it passes almost insensibly into the yellow subsoil, but some-times, right on the latter’s surface, there is a thin band containing rather more but always minute fragments of bone and pottery. This rather questionable Deposit 1 may represent an old ground surface.

The subsoil slopes up steadily all over the area of G. Under the south-west corner living rock was exposed at 11.20 above our datum. Farther north along EZ the subsoil rises from the same level at the base of wall J to 11.80 in some 8 feet and then to 12.80 under the bed in the next 5 feet. There is presumably a ledge of rock under the front wall of the right-hand bed, and very likely another step under the east wall of G, since the next recorded reading; some 6 feet farther east under the E area, was 14.80. Similarly still farther north we reached subsoil at 11.25 on line FU between walls J and T, at 12.25 behind wall T in line with the bed’s front wall, and again at 12.80 in the north-east corner of the bed at the base of G’s east wall. Once more it has reached 14.00 just outside the G area only 4 feet farther east.

The K Area.

A test trench, 4 feet wide at base, was dug to virgin soil for a distance of 16 feet from the north-west corner of Hf, parallel to the wall of G. Traversing a comparatively level strip at the foot of the steep slope from the east, it revealed no regular occupation deposit nor any architectural remains save two adjacent slabs on edge standing quite isolated. The trench cut through a very poor midden deposit over 2 feet deep. This was interrupted by a distinct, but very narrow, black band at about 15.50, some 6 to 10 inches above virgin soil. It may be equated with layer 4 in the G area, but yielded no characteristic relics.

From the end of the south-north trench, which must have only just missed the back of wall T, a narrower oblique trench was driven uphill in a north-easterly direction towards some slabs on edge that had been noticed protruding through the turf. Along this line that is oblique to the contours, the turf surface rose from 17.50 to 20.50 in the first 15 feet and then levelled out for a space, while subsoil rose from 14.50 to 17.15 in about 8 feet. A bed of grey stony ash rose from 16 feet to 19.20 in the 15 feet. In this bed was intercalated the black band already noted for the first 6 feet only rising from 15.50 to 16.50, but it petered out at the latter level. Above the grey bed the humus covered a layer of reddish-brown ash midden, 8 to 12 inches thick.

At the top of the slope we encountered a bank of building slabs in great disorder, but probably the ruins of a wall. Beyond this the turf surface is more nearly level for a few yards up to the main line of cliffs, but has obviously been disturbed by quarrying in these cliffs. Actually at the top of the slope there is now an area at least 10 feet wide over which the subsoil is almost level at 18.90. It is on this shelf that the ruined wall and the slabs on edge actually stand.

On deturfing, the ruined wall proved to be hopelessly disturbed – posts have recently been driven in along its line – save for a slab on edge, D, near its northern end. But the slabs on edge proved to make a pattern reminiscent of a typical Skara Brae bed. A stout slab on end, A, 2 feet wide north-south, rises 2 feet above the soil, just like the headstone in a normal bed. Against its northern edge is leaning a thinner slab running east and west, 4 feet long and 1 foot 8 inches high, with two smaller slabs leaning against its end; would do well for a front kerb. But no east “headstone” survives, and there is no trace of a wall at the southern end of the extant “headstone” to mark the back of the hypothetical bed. A couple of feet north of the supposed kerb a stout slab, 18 inches long, leaning the opposite way might have been connected with a hearth, but no red peat ash appeared behind it. Three feet west of the bed a slab, D, 18 inches long and 22 inches high, is leaning against the bank of stones, assumed to represent the ruin of a wall; its base is nearly parallel to, but about 9 inches north of, the apparent line of the “bed’s” front “kerb.” It might once have formed the cheek to a doorway (fig. 1).

The kerb and headstone of the bed supported a small platform 2 feet wide, paved with small chips of stone set in a thin bed of clay, and this underlying clay extended for a further 3 feet south to the edge of our excavation at the same level. On it, just under the turf, was a thin layer of ash from which sherds of at least two thin-walled pots were recovered. Under the clay was another, greyer layer of ash that thinned out towards the east where the ground rises again. North of the bed kerb the clay bed of the platform and the superficial ash layer were both absent. The turf covered a tough but sterile bed of chips of rock and yellowish clay, apparently washed in, under which, however, there was a thin bed of greyish ashy material as under the platform to the south. It was from this that we recovered the half of a broken granite macehead, battered as if used secondarily as a hammer-stone. West of the headstone of the “bed,” the clay layer defining the platform was missing, but there was a single deposit of reddish-brown midden, 9 to 12 inches deep, right up to and beyond the ruined wall, and in fact continuous with that noticed on the slope in the connecting trench. This deposit contained many sherds, flints, and fragments of decayed bone.

Many sherds from the K area, especially those from the “platform,” belonged to relatively hard, thin-walled vessels. But coarse, thick fragments of standard Skara Brae ware occur here too, and include part of a vessel decorated with a single applied rib below the rim, but no more elaborately ornamented sherds. In addition to sherds several amorphous lumps of baked clay, reminiscent of fragments of moulds, were recovered, and a number of flint scrapers.

II Relics.

Pottery. – The stratified deposits in the G area yielded an instructive series of sherds, though all in very poor condition. The secondary layers, 7 and 8, contained remains of some fifty distinct vessels. Of these, eight or nine were made of relatively hard ware, 9 to 14 mm. thick, black externally and sometimes on the inside too, but still tempered with the coarse angular grits characteristic of Skara Brae fabrics. None of these is decorated, but some show a stepped bevel inside the rim (fig. 6, 1, 2). The remaining forty odd vessels are made of the familiar very coarse, soft fabric, tempered with large angular chunks of local rock; indeed a slice of a Skein knife, 21 inches long, was incorporated in one sherd (fig. 6, 4, and Pl. X, 5). The walls are generally over 15 mm. thick; the surface is fired brick-red. The roughness of the surface, due to the projection of the rock fragments, is only partially obscured by the application of a thick slip. All the vases are ring built. The bases are flat, most rims internally bevelled, usually with a step or ledge just under the rim inside. At least thirty were decorated with applied ribs, held in place by the slip (fig. 6, 7 below).

In addition to simple horizontal ribs, lozenges adorned four pots all from the latest level, 8 (Pl. X, 3, below); simple chevrons or wavy lines between the ribs, two, and combined with vertical lines, one; oblique ribs, joining two horizontal ones, distinguished four vessels, at least two from layer 8. Two pots from layer 7 were adorned with internal ribs on the base. One base of technically similar ware but undecorated, and found probably in layer 5 (fig. 6, 5), shows outside the impressions (Pl. X, 9) from the mat on which the vessel had stood while being built up; in some ten cases the rims were decoratively scalloped (Pl. X, 1).

Comparatively little pottery was actually lying on the original floor of G, though some sherds from the ploughed area in the west may really belong here. Most of the best attested vessels were plain. A double-bevelled rim (fig. 6, 6) found under the fallen kerb of the left-hand bed is noticeable. Scalloped rims are attested, but the peculiarly elaborate specimen, in which the scalloping looks like a twisted cable of clay attached to the rim, found at 14.25 among layers of burnt clay in the north-west sector, may really belong to 5 (Pl. X, 2); one of the twists of “cable” became detached in cleaning, and so shows how each twist was composed of a pellet separately stuck on to the rim.

Below the floor of G sherds were again embarrassingly plentiful, but few could certainly be connected with the occupations represented by Hh and Hi. These include part of the rim of a vase of hard ware, only 6 mm. thick, fired to a brownish hue and adorned externally with two flat horizontal ribs, obliquely slashed in a very successful imitation of cordons (Pl. X, 4). From the same context came a very thick sherd whose red exterior seemed to have been brushed over. We should have expected here true grooved ware, Skara Brae C ware, such as we found in 1938 in the deeper levels. No such typical specimens were recovered from the G area. The pattern on the sherd shown in Pl. X, 7, would be appropriate to grooved ware, but has been cut into the body clay. But the sherd, being much worn, may once have been covered with a slip that has peeled off. On the level of Hh we got one sherd with simple grooved lines in the slip (Pl. X, 6), a few others, equally simple, came from layers 5a and 4 outside the door, and from the red layer, 3, under G itself.

Quite a lot of pottery, including complete bases, was found near the bottom of the thick midden deposits, 5a, both in the eastern half of G proper and outside the door. Coarse, reddish, rock-tempered ware was still normal, but none of the sherds exhibited the rich decoration common above the floor of G, while the available rims were mostly simply rounded, none step-bevelled. But in these levels we began to encounter a different ware, grey to warm brown on both surfaces though blackish at the core. In this, large rock fragments are exceptional in the paste, the temper being composed rather of some material, presumably organic, that has disintegrated in firing, giving the ware what Callander happily describes as a “vesicular texture.” Though not heavily slipped, the surface is smooth, as the tempering grits no longer project from it; instead the surface is covered with little pits, giving it a “corky” look, to use Edwards’s descriptive expression. Technically this fabric is identical with that of many typical “Neolithic A” vessels from chambered cairns on Rousay (Craie, Kierfea Hill), Eday (Sandyhill Smithy, EO 741), and Calf of Eday (EO 622-3), and fairly close to that of one pot from Kenny’s Cairn, Caithness (EO 25), and to another from Unstan itself (EO 168). The available bases from layer 5a are indeed all flat, and the rims generally simply rounded (fig. 6, 9-11). But one vessel of grey ware (found among slabs at 14.05 above datum between the line of wall T and the front of the right-hand bed) has an internally bevelled rim and a low keel on the outside (fig. 6, 8). The keel is indeed formed by an applied strip, like the ribs of the typical Skara Brae vessels, but so, after all, are the carinations on Unstan bowls (at least from Midhowe, Rousay, EO 460, and Unstan, EO 167) and most Windmill Hill bowls from Man and Ulster!

Below layer 5 “corky ware” is still commoner, and some of the surviving rims can be matched among the vessels from chambered cairns. But, it must be repeated, rock-tempered soft sherds were still quite plentiful, though this soft fabric has suffered so badly from the damp that no estimate can be made of the relative proportions of Skara Brae and Unstan wares. The rare rims from the black layer, 4, include one simple rounded rim (152) of a Skara Brae pot with walls 17 mm. thick, and a squashed-down or bevelled rim (158) belonging to a deep bowl of corky ware (fig 6, 15), found on the pavement below Hi. In the corresponding deposit outside the door we got only one sherd of corky ware, several of rock-tempered, red-surfaced ware, one bearing lines grooved on the red surface (Pl. X, 8).

In the extremely wet red ash under the pavement that we term Deposit 3 this coarse, ill-baked fabric had been practically reduced to the consistency of butter mixed with stones. But it must have been fairly plentiful, and one of the sherds rescued showed a grooved line on the red surface. The better-preserved rims were in a different fabric. In No. 138 (fig. 6, 16) stone grits have been used as temper, but these are not the usual large angular fragments of local rock, but rather small water-worn fragments, really minute pebbles. Such pebble-tempered ware occurs together with the corky fabric in the chambered cairns of Rousay, Eday, and the Orkney Mainland (Unstan); indeed in describing the pottery from the stalled cairn on the Calf of Eday, Callander drew attention to “the occurrence of small pieces of stone, sometimes water-worn, in the paste.” The relevant sherds include plausibly “Windmill Hill” squashed-down rims that could be matched in the Neolithic A pottery from the chambered cairns of Unstan (EO 167), Taiverso Tuack (EO 371), and Craie (EO 765).

Finally, from the dark layer, 2, at the base of wall J came a typical club-rim, squashed down outwards (fig. 6, 18), and part of a vessel with a keel just below the fiat rim (fig. 6, 19). The latter can only be reconstructed as a shallow, round-bottomed bowl, and of the same general profile as classical bowls from Unstan; it is more exactly matched by a fragment (EO 625) from the chambered cairn on Calf of Eday.

It is therefore clear that the traditions inspiring the makers of the funerary pottery deposited in the classical chambered cairns of Orkney were alive in the Rinyo area when Deposits 2 to 4 and even 5a were laid down, although at the same time the curious and, as we think, inferior technique distinguishing the bulk of the pottery from Skara Brae was being used there too. Thus, in so far as chambered cairns and “Unstan” pottery define “Neolithic,” the primary occupation of Rinyo itself must be thus qualified.

On the other hand, there is an Iron Age “feel” about the pottery from the very ruinous structure termed house K. Thin-walled, rather hard vessels, such as occurred above the floor of G, were prominent here. But again in the inclusion of grit as temper and in the internal bevel of some rims (fig. 7, 2), these carry on native traditions. At the same time a good deal of plain coarse ware of the usual soft kind was collected in the K area, and portions of one large pot decorated very simply with a single horizontal rib in the classical technique (fig. 7, 1, 3). It will be recalled that Stevenson in reporting on sherds from the “Potter’s Workshop” on the Calf of Eday detected there a survival of Skara Brae traditions into the Iron Age. So the finds from K make it likely, though they do not prove, that the occupation of the area continued into the Iron Age, and that ceramic and even architectural traditions were conserved to that phase.

Another feature of the K area was the discovery of several amorphous lumps of badly baked earthenware in which could be detected the casts of thin grass stems or rootlets that had been incorporated in the clay. These were at first taken for pin moulds, but may really be parts of very thick bases. At the base of the slope on top of which K stood in the exploratory trench driven north of F we found the base of a coarse pot, 7 to 9 inches in diameter, that was actually 1.7 to 1.8 inch thick!

Stone Implements.

No ground stone axe- nor adze-heads were found this year. A fragment from a polished stone celt was, however, recovered from the space between the inner face of G’s wall and the back of wall G’.

Skaill knives, not noted in 1938, were found in great numbers in the G area. No less than 160 were collected on and above the floor, and specimens occurred in all levels, one being found in the grey clay immediately overlying virgin soil (layer 3) and so undoubtedly in situ in the lowest archaeological horizon. Two smooth balls of camptonite were lying on the floor of G; one very symmetrical and smooth was found in the left-hand bed, but fell to pieces in transit.

Flint implements too were fairly plentiful. The great majority were small scrapers; of these three came from the F area, ten from layers 6-8 in G, five from layer 5, one from 5a, and two from 4. But in the lower layers there was a sensible improvement in the quality and variety of the flint-work. Layer 5 yielded one large scraper, the 5a deposit outside the door four such, together with fragments of three knives neatly trimmed along the back. A knife-blade with steep trimming was the only flint from layer 3. Another knife-blade was found in dwelling E, only two small fragments on the floor of G. But a blade trimmed along one edge on both faces came from K (fig. 8, below).

A couple of small but typical anvil-stones from the floor of G must be considered in connection with the flint-knapping. Hammer-stones and rubbers were of course plentiful, but one rubber found in the north-west corner of G deserves special mention. It is a water-worn boulder measuring over all 9½ inches long x 6 inches wide x 5 inches thick. Its flattened oval upper surface, 8 x 5 inches, has been rubbed down, so that it is slightly concave longitudinally along one side, but the concavity extends over only 3 inches of its width; the rest of the surface is unground. Its shape is therefore unsuitable for grinding grain. In this context it may be remarked that no sickle gloss was observed on any of the flints any more than in 1938.

The broken mace-head from K is the twenty-sixth specimen to be recorded from Orkney (Pl. X, 10). It approximates to the pestle type and is made from a granitic stone. The perforation, however, is biconical, not cylindrical as in the best representatives of the type. The surviving end is abraded as if through use as a hammer-stone. The object would have had more dating value had it been complete and fresh. In view of its battered condition it may have reached the floor of K long after its manufacture and original use, whether warlike or ceremonial. Despite analogies in the chambered cairns of Arran, Caithness, and Rousay itself, the type is probably no earlier than the Middle Bronze Age of Southern England. It will be readily admitted that the relatively late phase of Skara Brae culture, exemplified by “house K,” was not earlier than that, and that is all we can infer from it.

Bone Tools. – Bone, unless burned, is consumed by the soil of Rinyo. But in deposits saturated with organic matter, and protected by slabs fallen against the wall of dwelling G, two implements were preserved. One was a pin or awl, made from an ovine metapodial, Skara Brae type A1, the other a fabricator, familiar at Skara Brae as type C. A section of a sheep’s metapodial, squared as if to make a cubical bead or a die, was found, burnt, near the hearth of E.

Miscellaneous.

Four little balls of clay, just like modern marbles, were found in early layers. Two came from 5a outside the door of G, one from between Hh and Hi, and the fourth from a deep layer under F. In view of the absence of flint arrow-heads, it would be tempting to regard these little balls as sling pellets. Such are regularly found in the numerous early sites in Iran, Hither Asia, the Balkan peninsula, and Southern Italy, from which arrow-heads are conspicuously missing. But these sling pellets are normally amygdaloid, not spherical.

A single lump of nodular haematite, such as is so common at Skara Brae, turned up this year well above the floor of G. Pieces of pumice, some grooved perhaps in sharpening bone awls, were relatively common and occurred as low as layer 5a. One appeared deliberately rounded. Several lumps of whalebone were observed, but all were too far decayed for any shape to be recognisable.

Part of a large stone basin or mortar lay high up in the midden over G. A large hole had been worn through the bottom by prolonged use. A small and rough stone “paint pot” or “lamp” was recovered from layer 3 under G. From the same level came a pebble that had been perforated as a pendant, but broken.

Charcoal.

As in 1938 quite a number of pieces of charcoal, all small, were discovered, and that at all levels. Mr M. Y. Orr, of the Royal Botanic Garden, has very kindly examined these for us, and recognised willow, birch, and alder, and perhaps poplar, but also pine and oak. The first named were presumably derived from local shrubs .or trees used as fuel. Pine, represented by at least two specimens, is less easily accounted for. In view of Erdtmann’s pollen-analyses, the growth of pines in Orkney during the last 5000 years seems unlikely. Mr Orr suggests it might have come in the form of driftwood. The single piece of oak (charcoal) was found under a secondary threshold slab just inside the door of G. Though we could not determine its shape, we thought it represented some artefact, perhaps a handle, even before we knew its material. A local growth of oaks is even less likely than pines. So it would represent an “import,” unless again it arrived as driftwood.

Part 2

Volume 81 (1946-47)

A Stone Age Settlement at the Braes of Rinyo, Rousay, Orkney.
(Second Report) (pp 16-42) Childe, V Gordon & Grant, Walter G.

Orkney Library & Archive ref: 941 – periodical section.

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In Print

Rinyo ~ Part 1



A Stone-Age Settlement At The Braes Of Rinyo, Rousay, Orkney.
(First Report.) By Professor V. G. Childe, F.S.A.Scot.,
And Walter G. Grant, F.S.A.Scot.


Shards and flints have frequently turned up on the lands of Bigland Farm at the foot of the Braes of Rinyo. But the settlement here described was first discovered by James Yorston, jun., an employee of Mr Grant’s, engaged in prospecting under his direction during the winter of 1937-8. Following up indications afforded by slabs on edge projecting through the turf, he exposed the outlines of prehistoric dwellings, including the whole of what will hereafter be described as A and C and parts of B, D, F, and G. Recognising that the architecture and relics agreed with those discovered at Skara Brae, but that their association with sherds of a Beaker gave the new site exceptional importance, he desisted from further operations until excavations could be carried out under our continuous supervision. We began work in June 1938 and continued till the middle of July, after which date the ruins were covered over for protection. During six weeks of relatively unfavourable weather we completed the examination of chambers A, B, C, and D and brought to light a new chamber situated beneath them. The results obtained suggest that we have on Rousay a complete settlement of Beaker age or earlier, the full excavation of which may be expected to prove no less revolutionary for British prehistory than that of Koln-Lindenthal has been for Central European. But it will require several seasons’ work, so it has seemed desirable to publish at once a fairly full account of the results obtained up to date.

In the north-east corner of Rousay the land falls away in a south- westerly direction from the heights of Faraclett Head in a succession of terraces where the flagstones, bedded almost horizontally, crop out in a series of miniature precipices. The lowest of these terraces rises to 100 feet above O.D., or rather over 20 feet (in a distance of 80 feet) above the cultivated fields of Bigland Farm. The prehistoric settlement begins immediately at the foot of this steep brae, which shelters it (see fig. 1, to the left). The preservation of the buildings described below is to be attributed at least in part to the scree and hill wash from the terrace above. On the other hand, the outcrops on the brae have been quarried for building stone for centuries, and even the base of the steep declivity, though now reserved, like the moor above it, for pasture, seems not to have escaped agricultural operations. Stones of the prehistoric dwellings projected above the turf before excavation started, and several of these are heavily scored on their exposed edges. From the base of the brae the lower beds of flagstone are covered with a relatively deep deposit of soil washed in from above.

Over the area excavated this deposit, constituting the subsoil on which the village was built, slopes down, uninterrupted by rock, west-south-west at a rate of 1 in 5. But this predominantly westward slope is traversed by undulations at right angles to it, accounting for differences in level of little more than 8 feet in 15 feet from north to south (Pl. 1, below).

Remains of human occupation have been encountered throughout the excavated area immediately above virgin soil wherever this has been reached. The pottery found in such situations comprises, like that from the lower levels at Skara Brae, both A and B wares. But, save in the trough of a south-to-north undulation, only fragments of constructions have yet been found resting on virgin soil; the bulk of the constructions exposed rest upon artificial deposits presumably accumulated before their erection.

Soundings have shown that ruins extend for a distance of 50 yards westward towards the farm buildings across a field covered this summer by a hay-crop. The area excavated during 1938, however, measures only some 30 feet from east to west and 40 feet from north to south. On the south the excavation began roughly on the crest of an undulation and followed the slope downward to a trough on the north which seems to be connected with a line of vertical fracture in the outcropping rock. On the east the boundary of the area coincided in practice with a series of rock-ledges which form the lowest step to the first terrace of the brae. The ledges are, however, only shallow, and there are traces of occupation even above them. East of, and above, the ledge the natural exposures of rock have been accentuated and modified to a still uncertain extent by undateable quarrying. Presumably the Rinyoans themselves initiated these operations, for the immense quantity of stone incorporated in the prehistoric houses cannot have been entirely supplied by the products of weathering. Of course the flagstone breaks so easily along bedding planes and “backs” that it could easily be quarried with stone tools. The lower chamber in the Taiverso Tuick burial mound itself provides a superb example of how skilfully admittedly “Neolithic” people could deal with the Rousay flagstone.

To make this area habitable it had to be drained and levelled. During the rains of 1938 we found that the drainage from above not only trickled down over the rocks, but also seeped out through joints in the stone. To carry off such moisture a main drain had been dug, running parallel to the rock-ledges, north and south, at least as far north as the trough of the undulation that formed the northern limit of our excavation. The un-evenness of the ground-level was partly counteracted by the construction of terraces formed of midden material or of layers of horizontal slabs.

On the ground thus prepared we have exposed four chambers, proved by the presence of hearths to be occupational units. Not even these four are necessarily contemporary, and some of their walls cover fragments of others which must be earlier. The chambers have been numbered A, B, C, and D, and it will be convenient to describe them in that order, reserving for subsequent discussion the question of their chronological relations (Pl. II, & III, below left & right).

Chamber A is situated just north of the crest of the undulation. The ruins of the older chamber, E, under its north wall, however, reduce the slope across A’s floor in this direction to l in 30, but from east to west the floor is inclined as much as 1 in 7! (sections AB and CD). Without annexes chamber A is approximately a rectangle with two corners rounded, 15 feet long north-west to south-east and 11 feet wide. It is entered at its north-western end through a passage-doorway situated west of the centre of the end wall (Pl. IV, 1, to the left). Stout slabs on edge form the outer jambs. Behind them a thin slab projects edgewise from the left-hand Wall to serve as check; no corresponding check survives in the opposite wall and the aperture at this point is 2 feet 3 inches wide. Beyond the check the door checks are faced with slabs on edge which are preserved to heights of 1 foot 6 inches and 1 foot 10 inches respectively above the pavement, without, however, showing holes for the bar such as pierce the similar slabs in doorways of type I at Skara Brae.

In the Chamber’s side walls are bed enclosures demarcated by slabs on edge precisely as at Skara Brae. That on the left (Pl. IV, 2) projects into the chamber in the manner normal on the Mainland though it is also recessed into the side wall to a depth of 1 foot. The back wall of this bed is formed of a single slab of slatey stone over 2 feet 6 inches high, which has been pushed forward by the weight of earth behind it so that its upper edge now overhangs 8 inches. The right-hand bed is recessed into the south-west wall, as in chamber 9 at Skara Brae, and is separated from the main chamber by two slabs in line with the wall, respectively 1 foot 8 inches and 8 inches high.

In the east corner a small tank (limpet box), walled, floored, and covered with carefully trimmed rectangular “slates,” has been let into the floor. The lid was actually found in position, but the receptacle contained nothing but earth and midden material that had filtered in under the lid. East of the centre of the rear wall a door at some period led into chamber B. The doorway is flanked on the left by a stout block rising 1 foot 10 inches above the pavement, and on the right by a masonry pier of which three courses alone survive to a height of 1 foot. The line of the left check is continued by two courses of masonry, but the masonry on the right-hand wall is interrupted by a slab on edge, now terribly decayed and tilted out of the vertical, which may once have projected to form a check. The doorway was paved throughout its length with a drain running under the pavement on the left-hand side. The door was found blocked up loosely with horizontal slabs as if it had gone out of use while chamber A was still occupied.

Beyond the pier flanking the communication door on the right is a recess about 1 foot deep occupying the whole south corner of the chamber. In the middle of its rear wall stands a block on edge, 1¾ foot high but tilted westward owing to the collapse of the. drain lintels. It recalls the piers supporting dressers at Skara Brae. The south corner of the recess was occupied by a masonry pier three courses high, not bonded into the chamber walls. The south-west wall was found to run on behind this pier to abut on a very stout block on edge in the south-east wall that might also have been connected with a dresser.

From the left-hand cheek of the main door to the corresponding cheek of the rear communication door the eastern wall of chamber A forms a unit with carefully rounded corners. It is preserved to a height of 1 foot 8 inches or four courses of masonry on the north-west, but is badly broken down from the north corner and stands only 7 inches high in the east. corner. West of the door the south-east end wall again seems unitary apart from the pier added in the corner. The south-west wall stands only two or three courses high south of the bed-recess. It then turns round to form the end wall of the recess, but is not bonded into the latter’s rear wall. Instead there is a gap, the south-west or rear wall of the bed being formed for the most part of the outer face of the wall of chamber D, partially reconstructed and only roughly bonded into the north-west end wall of the bed at the north corner (Pl. V, 1, above left). This end wall then turns round to continue the south-west wall of the chamber, till at the west corner, which is not rounded, it bonds into the north-west wall. This stands 1 foot 5 inches high at the corner.

The whole floor of the chamber was covered with a layer of clay some 2 inches thick upon which most of the relics lay. It entirely masked the central fireplace, the position of which was only indicated at this stage by a patch of red ash and baked clay. Behind this patch lay a slab over 4 feet long, evidently fallen, which recalled the taller pillar stone found fallen in a similar position in chamber 7 at Skara Brae. On removing the clay and fallen slabs other articles of furniture and some stone paving were exposed.

The central hearth, placed just as at Skara Brae between the two beds, was only 2 feet square (Pl. IV, 1). Only two kerbstones (on the north-east and north-west) and the decayed hearth-plate survived. Parallel to the north-east kerb two thin slabs on edge frame a narrow channel, 4 inches wide, that seems to run into an irregular hole in the clay floor near the east corner of the hearth. It was filled with softer and darker material than the rest of the midden under the floor, and may be regarded as a sump connected with the main drain by a branch channel under the hearth. About 3 feet south-east of the south corner of the hearth was a post-hole, about 3 inches across, framed by three small slabs on edge. Under the fallen “pillar slab” was an accumulation of burnt clay that may represent the squashed ruins of an oven such as was found in chamber C. About a foot to the east of this accumulation a slatey slab, hollowed out in precisely the same manner as that under the C oven, was actually discovered (Pl. V, 2). But this was embedded beneath the floor deposit, covered by another slab, and engaged beneath the floor of the “limpet box” (Pl. VI, 1, right). It cannot therefore have belonged to the hypothetical oven squashed by the fall of the “pillar,” and really seems to have been re-used to cover the drain that runs under the communication door and beneath the floor as far as the sump at the east corner of the hearth.

The sump, as already noted, probably connected under the hearth with the main drain. The latter channel, roofed throughout with massive lintels, runs across the whole length of the chamber. Entering near the south corner of the south-east end wall, it passes just west of the hearth and runs out under the wall at the west corner. The floor of the channel is not paved and only rough masonry supports the lintels.

In clearing the chamber no large accumulation of fallen building stones was found cumbering the floor between the surviving wall stumps. Now, clearly, stones fallen from the walls would not have been removed by modern plunderers to a greater depth than the walls themselves. Hence if the masonry of the walls had once been carried higher (as at Skara Brae) and had collapsed into the chamber, the debris must have been removed either by the Rinyoans themselves or by their immediate successors, but in any case before the ruins became grass-grown.

The description of the inner wall, given above, will have suggested that chamber A was only a part of a larger complex. This truth will be clearer from a consideration of the outer wall-face of the chamber. In fact it is only on the north that a true outer face survives, and even there it is very much dilapidated. 0n the right (west) of the main doorway the casing wall of chamber D abuts on the outer wall of A, but the latter’s face is not carried on behind the casing wall; thereafter the chamber wall is simply one course thick, faced on the inside only and backed up against midden packing. Outside both casing and outer facing walls at their junction a solid slab on edge forms an outer jamb to the door.

A corresponding slab stands on the left of the door. Eastward of it the wall of A is faced externally for a distance of 5 feet, giving the wall a total thickness of 4 feet. But the face in question seems really to constitute one wall of a passage running between A and the complex of buildings provisionally termed chambers F and G. Behind this face another is visible (Pl. VI, 2), and its line seems to be continued by slabs on edge, now more or less displaced, as far as the Chamber’s north corner; such slabs were commonly used in the outer faces of walls at Skara Brae. They and the wall masonry rest on Wide slab footings 82.4 feet above O.D. (Pl. XVI, 1). Beyond the corner on the east no outer face survives. Presumably the inner wall was simply backed up against a packing of midden, while the rock-ledges of the brae would take the place of a casing wall. On the south-east the end wall of A frankly coincides with the wall of B. On the west no recognisable outer face survives. The rear (inner) wall of the right-hand bed is itself just the outer face of the wall round chamber D for a distance of 3 feet from the bed’s south corner. But it looks as if the wall of D, though going down 9 inches below the bed’s floor (section AB), had been entirely reset for incorporation in the inner wall of A. After 3 feet there is a break in the masonry, and the remaining 3½ feet seems formed of courses loosely added to D’s wall, which was, of course, curving away from chamber A.

From chamber A one could at some period pass into chamber B through a passage 2 feet 6 inches long that has already been described. Of the chamber thus reached only a small hearth, 2 feet square, a slate box immediately to the left of the door, and a recess to the right survive (Pl. VII, 1, above left). The only recognisable wall round B is that on the north-west, which it shares with A, and 2 feet of masonry, only two courses high, running southward from its northern corner. Two slabs on edge south-west of the hearth may mark the line of the same wall’s outer face; the ledge of outcrop perhaps coincided with the corresponding north-east wall.

On the east the floor of B is virgin soil, but since the latter was sloping very steeply (section EF) several layers of slabs had to be laid down on the west to level up the floor. This pavement is supported by a terrace wall, 18 inches to 2 feet high, bounded on the south-west by a line of slabs on edge, of which only two survive. This masonry platform itself rests upon a layer of midden, only 9 inches deep, terraced upon the sloping virgin soil by the east wall of ‘chamber C.’ The main drain, already encountered under the floor of A, runs through this platform under the floor of B too. The primary channel is a trench cut in virgin soil little more than 4 inches deep and 6 to 8 inches wide in which fragmentary and doubtful traces of a lining of inclined slabs on edge survived at a few points. But this channel runs at the bottom of a built conduit nearly 2 feet wide, the masonry of which rises some 9 inches on the lower or western side and about 6 inches on the east. The built walling supports massive lintels: No. 5 measures 2 feet 6 inches by 2 feet 2 inches by 3 inches; No. 7, 1 foot 5 inches by 1 foot 10 inches by 1½ inch; and No. 8, 2 feet by 2 feet 8 inches by 4 inches (Pl. VII, 2). North of section line EF the drain runs in a north-westerly direction, passing under the party wall between A and B at the presumed north corner of the latter chamber to carry on under the floor of A, the slope throughout being designed to ensure a discharge in that direction. Farther south, however, the drain runs nearly north and south, and from lintel 2 would discharge southward down the undulation in that direction. The massive lintels of the drain supported one or two layers of thinner slabs, mostly much decayed, which constituted the true floor of chamber B.

Upon the kerbstones round Hb, which are unusually low – only 4 to 6 inches high – lay a fallen slab of thin slatey stone, some 4 feet long, that may have formed the front of a bed. There may also have been a bed in the north corner, but the collapse of a drain lintel under its floor (Pl. VII, above) has distorted its plan. The north end is formed by a slab on edge against the party wall of A. Two similar slabs with a joint length of 3 feet 8 inches might have separated the bed from the main chamber. There is just a ghost of an end wall at right angles to these on the south-east, while two courses of masonry, though extending only for 2 feet, might serve at once as the rear wall of the bed and the south-west wall of the chamber.

Only a very thin deposit covered the slabs and virgin soil in the area of chamber B, but the number of flints and potsherds (including parts of restorable vessels and decorated fragments) sufficed to define the deposit as a true occupation layer.

Below and west of chamber B the midden terrace supporting its outer wall extends, more or less level, over a width of 4 to 6 feet. A few slabs, laid rather casually upon it, would suggest use as a passage did they lead anywhere. The terrace is bounded on the west by an irregular foundation of blocks, faced only on the west and resting on the top of a line of slabs that serve as a revetment to the midden terrace. These slabs, from 2 feet to 1 foot 8 inches high, are leaning out of the vertical as much as 1 foot against the terrace they support (section EF). At the same time they form the eastern boundary of the area termed chamber C. On the south and west no boundary to this area survives. On the north a composite wall, built up against the terrace revetment, extends westward for 4 feet, but then breaks off as described below. (Pl. VIII, 1).

The floor of chamber C was not marked by any regular paving nor yet by a continuous bed of clay. Pottery, stone “lids,” and, above all, flint scrapers, were abundant throughout the area, but were not concentrated at any well-defined horizon. The “floor” is accordingly an arbitrary level determined only by the bases of surrounding walls and the articles of furniture to be described – a raised hearth, Hc, a stone tank, Bc, and a post-socket, Pc. The hearth, about 4 feet square, is demarcated by four kerbstones, each nearly 1 foot high. The northern or rear slab had broken and tilted forward and was supplemented by an extra kerb only 4 inches high but 7 inches wide. There was an extra kerb south of the front slab too. The hearth was filled with a tough deposit of peat-ash containing a little burnt bone and coming up to a level of 79.35 above O.D. save for a circular hole, 8 inches deep and 9 inches wide, near the south kerb. It may have been designed to hold a cooking-pot, since a pot-lid, 7½ by 6½ inches in diameter, lay close to its mouth (Pl. VIII, 2). No slab served as a hearth-plate under the ash bed.

Immediately south of the hearth and backed up against it was a clay oven resting on a slab of slatey stone sunk in the supposed floor of the chamber (Pls. VIII and IX). The oven had an over-all length of 2 feet at right angles to the hearth and a width of 2¼ feet. The clay walls, standing at most 9 inches high and from 4½ to 9½ inches thick, enclosed a perfect square with round corners of 1 foot 3 inches each way. In the middle of the east wall two stones of quadrangular section, 10½ and 10 inches high and 3 and 5 inches thick respectively, were set on end to form a support for the clay walls. Opposite them in the west side there may have been a vent hole 4 inches wide, as over this space the baked clay wall was narrowed and reduced in height to 1½ inch. The clay walls were so hard that they could be removed almost intact by sliding them on to thin sheets of galvanised iron, an operation skilfully performed by James Yorston. It was then seen that the slatey slab on which the oven stood had been hollowed out over precisely the area enclosed by the clay walls, so that the slab preserved a perfect negative impression of the plan of the oven’s interior (fig. 2, to the left).

It was at first thought that the slab had been deliberately carved; but it is possible that the heat of the oven has disintegrated a few skins of the laminated slab where it was not protected by the clay. The discovery of similar slabs under the floor of A (Pl. V, 2) and under the wall of D has enhanced the probability of the second explanation. In any case the slab in question was very soft, and broke into many pieces when an attempt was made to raise it. It has, however, been reconstructed on a concrete bed, and the whole oven is restored in the National Museum. This is the first pre-Iron Age oven to be discovered in the British Isles, but in Central and South-eastern Europe large clay ovens are regular features in Neolithic houses.

Behind, i.e. north of the hearth, a thin slab nearly 5 feet long, but broken and tilted forward towards the hearth (Pl. IX, 1), might be taken for the frontal partition slab of a bed. At the base of this slab there is a single course of walling. If this bed really belongs to chamber C, a low thin slab at right angles to the one just mentioned would form its east end. But, save for a thin upright at the north end of the slab last mentioned, any rear wall to the supposed bed enclosure has vanished.

The north wall of C, as already indicated, is composite. In the north corner a rough strip of masonry, built up against the east revetment at right angles to it, abuts against a stout slab on edge which has slipped westward, but originally belonged to the wall of chamber D (Pl. VIII, 1). Another stout slab on edge at right angles to the foregoing and parallel to the supposed end of the “‘bed” may mark an original northward turn in C’s wall, which would then have continued westward again behind the “bed” along a line indicated by a single thin upright that broke in half before the photograph reproduced in P1. IX, 2 was taken. This broken slab was all that remained of the north wall; west of it chamber C is continuous with the neighbouring chamber D. To produce this continuity, and even to make room for C at all, the south wall of D had to be removed entirely. Moreover, although the floor of chamber D is 2½ feet lower than that of A (section AB), its western end comes up flush with the arable land’s surface. Hence any western wall to D has been ploughed out.

None the less the eastern end of chamber D is exceptionally well preserved and a fireplace, bed, and drain can be recognised. The hearth (Pl. X, 1,above left), bounded by high kerbstones, measures 2 feet 10 inches by 2 feet 5 inches. Its original base was formed by a stout slab that fitted the space between the kerbstones exceptionally well. There was a double kerb on the north and on the west, while on the east an additional kerb-stone, higher than and not strictly parallel to the original one, had also been added. North-west of the hearth is a recess, now only some 4¼ feet long by 3½ feet deep. The recess had apparently been partitioned off from the rest of the chamber by a slab on edge, 4½ feet long and 1¾ feet high, which was actually found almost prostrate, but marks the recess as a bed (Pl. X, 1). The rear wall is distinctly concave. There is a gap at the north-west corner where the rear wall should bond into the west end-wall. The east end-wall is a pier, bonded into the rear wall. It has, however, toppled down westward; originally the pier must have been backed up against the big upright ‘m’ projecting radially from the chamber wall, but, owing to the collapse, the end of the pier is nearly a foot out of plumb, and only the two basal courses now abut against ‘m’.

The slab ‘m’ itself attains a maximum height of 2¼ feet and projects nearly 3 feet inward from the basal course of the chamber wall. Its upper edge has been trimmed to a curve and the chamber wall behind it does in fact corbel inwards along just such a curve (section GH). ‘M’ thus forms the north-west wall of a voussoir-shaped compartment, 1¾ feet wide at the mouth, and bounded on the south by a masonry pier that projects 2 feet from the curved rear wall, into which it is bonded. This pier is one of a pair that bound another recess 2 feet 6 inches wide at the mouth and 1 foot 9 inches deep. It is paved with slatey slabs, and its back is formed of a slab on edge, 2 feet long by 1 foot 2 inches high, behind which the main chamber wall can be traced curving on as in the northerly recess. Both piers, though standing only 15 inches high, recall the supports of a dresser. Though they carry no shelf now, a broken slab found between them at 80.3 feet O.D. may be the remnant of such. Yet a third pier projects to the same line as the two just mentioned, 2¾ feet from the south corner of the second (Pl. X, 2). This third pier abuts against a slab on edge, now incorporated in the north wall of chamber C, and has been displaced together with the slab. Between piers 2 and 3 we found a slab on edge, h, which, although certainly forced out of position by pressure from behind, carries on more or less the line of the slab behind the recess between piers 1 and 2. The north side of the pier seems to have been faced with a slab on edge, which was also displaced when h fell. All three piers might be regarded as supports for a dresser of classic form (Pl. XI, 1).

However, the main wall of the chamber seems to follow a continuous curve as far as it is preserved from the north corner of the bed to the back of the second “dresser” pier. From this point westward the masonry has been bodily torn out, leaving a ragged end behind the slab that forms the back of the second “dresser” recess. It is therefore impossible to reconstruct the plan of the chamber with any confidence. Had the curvature observed been continued into the area now occupied by chamber C, we should be confronted with something very like the Iron Age Wheel-houses of the Hebrides and of Howmae – an irregularly circular enclosure divided into compartments by radial piers. In that case the analogy of the three piers east of the hearth to the dresser-supports at Skara Brae should not perhaps be pressed.

A consideration of the boundary wall itself is not unfavourable to the second interpretation. Judging by the section exposed by the ancient destruction just described the wall consisted entirely of masonry. Over an arc of chord 16 feet a rough outer face is preserved, 2 to 3½ feet from the inner face but following much the same curvature as the latter. Behind the bed-recess, however, the outer face curves inward along an arc concave to the west and is better built than in the sections where it was convex outwards (Pl. XI, 2, below left). This arc is indeed quite plainly designed to serve as the inner face to some structure, either another chamber or, more probably, a wall-cell which might have been entered through a hypothetical door that would have occupied the gap already noted in the north corner of the bed-recess.

Below the slab pavings just described was a bed of yellow clay in the north and central (“dresser”) recesses 79.7 feet’ above O.D., and another layer of slabs in the south recess. Below this floor came in the north recess another layer of slabs, extending to the hearth’s kerb, 79.55 feet above O.D. Corresponding to this bed in the central recess was a “pot-lid,” 18 inches in diameter, lying against the hearth’s extra kerb, while there were other slabs in the south recess. Finally, in the central and southern recesses a series of slabs 79.3 feet above O.D. seem to represent the original floor, since the piers rest upon them (Pl. XII, 1, to the right). There was a slab at the same level in the north recess, but it was not bonded into the flanking walls and reposed upon a bed of yellow clay nearly 2 inches thick in which a narrow channel ran from the back of the recess not covered by the slab towards the drain to be mentioned directly. Beneath the clay bed lay a huge pot-lid, 1 foot 10 inches in diameter (P1. XIII, l).

The layer of slabs 79.3 feet above O.D. comes right up to the edge of the hearth on the east and can be followed also along the north side of the hearth and in front of the bed-recess (Pl. X, 1). These slabs proved to be the cover-stones of a drain which, starting in front of the central recess east of the hearth, can be followed parallel to the north kerb westward for a total distance of 7½ feet. Thereafter it turns abruptly northwards to run out under the chamber wall beneath the floor of the supposed cell. The drain (Pl. XIII, below left) is formed of very thin slatey slabs set on edge, some measuring as much as 2½ feet in length and 1 foot in height. All these slabs have been deliberately trimmed to fit. In the edge of one a nick had been laboriously chipped out to accommodate a projection of harder stone on the proximal edge of the next slab. Pieces of hazel bark were found adhering to several of these drain slabs, so that the whole channel may be assumed to have been lined with hazel bark. At the bottom of the drain a deposit of bright green clay was observed near the west corner of the hearth. A deposit of the same material was found immediately under the slab floor of the central recess, in an unlined channel, 6 inches deep, through normal midden under the south recess, and again under the wall in the north corner of chamber C. This deposit, suggesting the effluent from a byre, had probably accumulated in a channel running under, and therefore older than, the north wall of C, and even the central pier of D’s dresser, but could not be connected with the similar deposit in the slab-lined drain under the floor of D.

In the corner between chambers A, C, and D is a curious enclosure framed by slabs on edge, e, f, g, and h. Slabs e and f on the north-east and south-east rest on a clay floor between 79.8 and 80.3 feet above 0.D. (Pl. XV). The south-west boundary of the area was actually formed by two slabs on edge, g and h, the bases of which rest on a similar floor at 79.3 feet above O.D. Of these h had apparently once formed the back of the south recess in chamber D. But the big slab, g, had tilted forward on its basal end and carried the whole south end of h with it. After this collapse the gap, thus formed between the end of slab f and the now sloping face of g, had been filled up with very rough walling only one course thick and not bonded into the back of the north wall of chamber C, against which it is backed (Pl. XIV, below centre). On the north-west the area is bounded only by the ragged end of the wall round chamber D which had, as already explained, been torn out over precisely this area.

The space thus delimited had been filled up with three or four layers of large thin slabs similar to those used in chamber floors, piled up on the sloping midden floor with thin layers of loose earth between them. The piled slabs have raised the level in the enclosed area to 81 feet above O.D., and its surface may once have been higher since there are indications of the former existence of a still higher layer of slabs. The slabs must have been laid down after the collapse of the upright g (and accordingly after the displacement of h), since one of the slabs actually rested against its sloping face 80.3 feet above O.D. (Pl. XV). The slab platform cannot therefore be regarded as an appurtenance of chamber D to which slab h belonged. It may, however, have been connected with chamber A. The platform top is very nearly on a level with the floor of the right-hand bed in that chamber (Pl. XV, 1, below right), and it will be recalled that in constructing the rear wall of that bed the outer face of the wall of chamber D had been adapted just north of the point where it had been torn away under our platform. It is accordingly suggested that the platform was designed to form the floor for a cell or annex to chamber A. The failure of the south end-wall of that chamber’s right-hand bed to bond into the rear wall of that bed may then be connected with the entrance into such a cell as was suggested in the case of the comparable gap in the corner of D’s bed-recess, where indications of a cell were more explicit.

The relative ages of the several chambers hitherto described can be tentatively defined in the light of the foregoing examination. Chamber D was certainly erected before A and C. The upper courses of the outer face of the wall round D have been utilised to form the inner face for the rear wall of A’s right-hand bed, while the destruction of the adjoining section of the wall round D was connected with the foundation for an annex to A. At the same time the north wall of chamber C incorporates part of the southernmost pier in chamber D apparently after that pier had slipped westward, perhaps at the time of upright g’s collapse. Chamber A must at the same time be at least partially contemporary with chamber B; the two were, for a time at least, connected by a doorway that forms an integral part of each, and both share a common wall on the south-west as on the south-east of A. And this south-western wall, albeit rather shadowy, presupposes the existence of the terrace for which the slabs forming the eastern wall of chamber C are a revetment. This revetment is itself anterior to the construction of a chamber in the area C, since that chamber’s north wall is built up against the revetment. Indeed, slab 9, that had collapsed before the completion of chamber A by its presumed cell, may have belonged to the revetment rather than to chamber D, but is in either case older than chamber C.

On the whole it looks as if chamber D were the oldest and had been more or less abandoned before the completion of chamber A, while chamber C is the latest of the four. But in any case the frequent reconstructions of the floors show that chambers A and D in particular were occupied for a considerable time, and partly perhaps contemporaneously. And all four structures belong to one and the same ceramic period. Decorated pottery was in fact conspicuously rarer in chamber A than in B or D. But, save for the Beaker sherds from A, the decorated pottery collected from the floor deposits of all four chambers belonged exclusively to the class described as A ware at Skara Brae – ornamented with applied strips. 0n the other hand, their foundations, save in the case of B, rest upon midden deposits accumulated in earlier periods. To obtain some light on the origins of the settlement considerable areas were excavated down to virgin soil (Pl. 1).

The Whole area of chamber C north of the post-hole and “limpet box” was thus explored, the hearth and oven being removed in the process. Below the hearth the midden deposit had a total depth of 3 feet, throughout which sherds and flints were found. The pottery included sherds decorated with slashed cordons – the B ware of Skara Brae found there only in periods I and II—and a few incised sherds of C ware. No such pottery had been found on the floors of chambers A to D.

Subsequently the deep diggings were extended under the floor of chamber D, the hearth and paving of which were removed. Here, too, incised and slashed sherds of B and C wares were found below the floor-levels. Two and a half feet below the floor of chamber D we came upon a layer of slabs resting directly on virgin soil. But it was only on the extreme margin of the excavation, 25 feet south-west of A’s hearth and 12 feet from that of chamber D, that any construction came to light (Pl. XVIII, 2, below right). But here we exposed the outer face of a wall, resting on virgin soil only 76.1 feet above O.D. and standing some 18 inches high about the same depth beneath the turf. The exploration of the chamber which this wall presumably encloses had to be postponed as the field was under crop. We were fortunately able to reach the interior of an equally early structure under and north of chamber A.

It will be recalled that in the natural trough on the northern margin of this year’s excavation we found traces of a passage running eastward from the door of A between that chamber and two others, not yet explored but termed F and Gr. The doorway proper is, of course, paved, but north of the paving the porch is floored only with stamped midden about 81 feet above O.D. Two feet east of the door, however, a step leads up 6 inches to the paved floor of the passage which runs eastward for 5 feet between the chamber walls rising from 81.6 to 81.8 feet above O.D. (Pl. VI, 2). Subsequently this level is carried on by a tough packing on which the walls of chambers A and F rest. We followed this level up eastward expecting to encounter rock-ledges. Instead we came on a finely built wall, concave to the west, and defined by its good masonry as the inner face of a chamber.

This wall was then followed down to a floor of slabs resting on virgin soil 80.35 feet above O.D. (Pl. XVI, 2, above left). The packed earth floor of the passage was accordingly removed to the same level as far as the east end of the flag pavement (as the walls of A and F rest on the flags, they could not be lifted). Beneath the packed earth three kerbs of a hearth, sunk in virgin soil, were exposed, the fourth kerb lying presumably beneath the wall of chamber F (Pl. XVII). Finally, acting on a hint from Mr J. S. Richardson, we picked up the back of the same Chamber’s wall under the wall of A in that chamber’s north corner (Pl. XVIII, 1, above right).

Though known only from these small segments, the architecture as well as the relics show that the new chamber, E, though built under chamber A and destroyed to make room therefore, belonged to essentially the same culture. The curved east wall was preserved along an arc of chord 7½ feet. It breaks off abruptly to the south, where the component stones had presumably been removed for use in later constructions.  But a segment of the same wall was picked up, vertically under the wall of chamber A, some 6½ feet from the breach. On the north too the wall now terminates raggedly. If continued 1½ feet farther in the same direction the masonry would have abutted against the vertical face of a rock-ledge (Pl. XVI, 2). This face follows a natural back in the rock, but the Rinyoans may have quarried along the cleavage plane. In any case the wall must have returned before reaching the rock, but the line of the return cannot be traced across the floor of chamber F though it may be picked up under that chamber’s wall.

Chamber E’s hearth is sunk in virgin soil. Its southern kerb measures 3 feet in length, the rest are partly covered by the wall of F. Against the south kerb and practically flush with it there was a paving slab resting on virgin soil (Pl. XVII, above). A slab-covered drain runs across the floor of E from the rear wall under the wall of F in the direction of the main drain. It presumably served to carry off water seeping down the cleavage in the rock behind the chamber’s east wall. Part of a polished stone axe and sherds of rib-ornamented vessels, one with a scalloped rim, were found near the hearth, but against the east wall we collected only decayed pieces of bone. From the small section of E uncovered it is clear that even the earliest Rinyoans were already competent builders in stone and had devised such refinements as drains and sunk fireplaces. It is significant that no debris fallen from walls cumbered the floor of chamber E. As there is no doubt that such walls had existed and been carried higher than at present, it follows that the Rinyoans themselves had removed the stones for use in subsequent building, presumably in chambers A and F. This conclusion fortifies the hypotheses advanced on p. 12 to explain the equal absence of stones from the area of chamber A.

NOTES ON THE RELICS.

The acidity of the soil at Rinyo was unfavourable to the preservation of osseous remains. No bone implements were recovered this year, and only very few teeth and fragments of bone belonging to oxen and sheep (or goats), together with some formless lumps of spongy whalebone and a couple of antlers. The surviving relics are confined to potsherds and artefacts of flint and other stones. These suffice to attest a cultural tradition, continuous throughout the long occupation of the site and strictly parallel to that already familiar from Skara Brae on Orkney Mainland. At the same time significant differences in ceramic decoration and flint work can be detected between the several structural phases previously defined. We shall accordingly distinguish three groups of relics recovered respectively (1) on or above the floors of chambers A, B, and O; (2) on the floor of chamber D; and (3) below the floors of these chambers. (The last group will represent Rinyo I, the first Rinyo II). Of course such a division is not itself absolutely exclusive and cannot be applied to all relics recovered. Those found, not on floor or sealed under such, but in the infilling between walls, in drains, or in areas disturbed by agricultural operations, are useless for statistical purposes, and can only be termed “unstratified.”

Pottery. – With one conspicuous exception the pottery from Rinyo is coarse and poorly fired. Large grits are generally conspicuous in the body clay; in at least one base there are imprints suggestive of an admixture of chopped grass too. The outer surface is normally covered with a coat of finer clay. This is in most cases an applied “slip” which tends to peel off, but on some thinner vases may be merely a “mechanical slip,” produced by rubbing the surface. In no case does the slip effectively mask the un-evenness of the body clay due to coarse grits.

As at Skara Brae, most vases from Rinyo are thick-walled, more than 10 mm. thick; the majority range from 13 to 18 mm. in thickness and some attain 25 mm. But in contrast to Skara Brae, Rinyo produced an appreciable number of thin sherds, less than 10 mm. thick, and two vases – one from below the top layer of slabs in cell efgh, the other just beneath the clay floor of chamber D – scarcely exceeded 5 mm. in thickness. Such thin vessels are generally rather harder than the normal coarse vases, and naturally do not contain grits of the same absolute magnitude. But technically they agree with the rest both in the relative coarseness of the fabric and in the method of construction.

All pots were built up of successive rings of clay in the manner familiar from Skara Brae, so that, as there, “false rims” are common. The large bowl from the northern recess in D was formed of no less than seven rings, the edges of which were exposed in the fractures. In thin vessels the rings are not grooved on the lower edge, but simply bevelled.

The vessels thus constructed seem all to have had flat bases, often markedly splayed as at Skara Brae. The rims normally show an internal bevel, but sometimes are flattened. At Skara Brae it was impossible to restore a complete pot from the crumbling sherds. At Rinyo some sherds were hardened by baking in a sand-bath immediately after extraction, while the large pot, discovered crushed in the northern recess of D (fig. 4, above left), was treated in situ by a blow-lamp with good results. It has thus been possible to identify at least two characteristic shapes – an open bowl shaped like an inverted truncated cone and a pot with steeper walls and splayed base (fig. 5). The first shape is characteristic of the Grooved Ware of southern England, while the splay-footed pots are significantly like the “Horgen” vases familiar from the collective tombs of the Seine-Oise-Marne province on the Continent. Handles are not normal adjuncts of Skara Brae pottery, but one small horizontally pierced lug was recovered from the north corner of chamber C at Rinyo (Pl. XXII, B, 2). The same chamber produced a miniature vase only 3.8 cm. high. Such miniatures – toys or votives – are common enough in the “Late Neolithic” painted pottery of south-eastern Europe, but farther west are hardly known till the Late Bronze Age.

Decoration. – The normal method of ornamenting pots at Rinyo as at Skara Brae was to apply to the surface strips or blobs of clay. They are held in position mainly by the slip, and tend to peel off with it. The width and thickness of the ribs varies greatly; in one case it looks as if a thin strip of twig or broken reed had been forced in between two ribs to produce a sharp cleft between them. Decorative ribs may be applied not only to the exterior, but to the inside just below the rim, or even on the base as at Skara Brae. In at least two instances rib decoration is combined with scalloping of the rim (Pl. XX, 1 – 2, above right). Most sherds thus decorated are from 11 to 16 mm. thick; in isolated instances the thickness rises to 19 or even 25 mm., but only one sherd with applied decoration was as thin as 9 mm.

The motives formed by the ribs include wavy lines, zig-zags, bisected triangles, and lozenges. Both the technique and motives are identical with the so-called A ware or A style at Skara Brae. As there, the A style of decoration is represented at all levels at Rinyo.

Sherds representing at least five vessels (including the bowl shown restored in Pl. XXI, B) have been decorated with ribs enhanced by slashing with finger-nails or by jabs from a pointed implement like the B were at Skara Brae. Four of these sherds, including Pl. XXI, B,left below,  were found sealed beneath the floor of chamber D, C, or A, and accordingly belong to Rinyo I. To the same period belongs the sherd shown in P1. XXII, B, 7, on which the rib takes the form of a ledge, the upper surface of which is relieved by a series of almost vertical jabs from a sharp-pointed implement. But the same style of decoration is seen along the thickened rim of a small pot (9 mm. thick and perhaps 16 cm. in diameter) found in chamber A (Pl. XXII, B, 1).

True “grooved” ornament, equivalent to style C at Skara Brae, formed by shallow incisions and punctuations in the slip, is represented by a comparatively small number of relatively thin sherds about 10 mm. thick, all found close to virgin soil under the floors of chambers C and D. The design on Pl. XXII, A, 4-5 is strikingly like that on a sherd of Grooved Ware from the submerged Essex coast, and recalls that on a pot of kindred fabric from the segmented cist of Unival in North Uist.

Exceptional Sherds. – From below the slabs and underlying clay under cell efgh came the sherd shown in Pl. XXII, B, 6, perhaps part of the same pot as Pl. XXII, B, 7, to the left. It is decorated with two rows of imprints made with a blunt four-toothed comb, some 6 mm. long. Though the comb here employed is shorter, the effect resembles that of the “false maggot” impressions on early Finnish Kammkeramik and on English Peterborough ware.

Pl. XXI, 1 shows a tumbler-shaped vessel of rather hard clay with a mechanical slip on the outside, found in chamber B. It is decorated with sharp incisions more reminiscent of Unstan ware than of grooved ware.

The object shown in fig. 6 was recovered between the inner and casing walls round chamber D. It seems part of the ring-shaped base of a vessel, the walls of which have broken away. In the centre of the base was a circular hole, the edges of which have been carefully finished off before firing. The annular space between the hole and the walls was decorated internally with triangles filled with punctuations.

The most important single vase from Rinyo is the Beaker (fig. 7), found by James Yorston in the doorway of chamber A some 6 inches above the paving slabs, but closely juxtaposed to a typical sherd of A ware with scalloped rim. Admittedly it is the sort of vase that might have been made by the last surviving descendant of a boat-load of Beaker folk stranded on the island. Its form is frankly debased; the sparsely scattered rouletted lines preserve only a blurred reminiscence of the handsome ribbon chevrons illustrated, for instance, by the Beaker from Ellon in Aberdeenshire. Even so, the Beaker stands out as a piece of potting far superior to the standard local products. Though the walls are 6 mm. thick and the body clay contains conspicuous grits, the surface is covered with a firm and smooth slip; the vessel is hard-fired and almost black; the decoration is executed with the square-toothed comb-stamp regularly employed by Beaker folk. In other words, the vase is no local imitation, but an authentic product of the Beaker school.

Flint Implements. – Flint was quite extensively used at Rinyo in contrast to Skara Brae. In 1938 no less than 250 implements, together with 80 split pebbles, were recovered. The raw material was derived from pebbles such as are found in abundance on the beaches. Naturally the small size and poor quality of most of these pebbles has cramped the flint-knapper’s style and affected the forms which he could produce. In addition, polished flint axes were re-used as cores; two unstratified implements and a burnt flake found below the floor of chamber C represent the remains of such axes. Finally, the only arrow-head discovered, in the drain of chamber D, had been rechipped to make a scraper (fig. 8, 1, to the left). Miss B. Laidler has studied the products with the following results:- By far the commonest finished implements were scrapers accounting for 175 of the total. There were 61 unworked flakes, from 2 to 6 cm. long, 14 flakes trimmed along one edge and 3 thick flakes trimmed on two edges. The sample seems large enough to justify the inferences that thumb-nail scrapers were preferred in Rinyo II to duck-billed and other types popular in the previous phase, and that trimmed blades and prisms ceased to be made after Rinyo I.

A polished flint knife was found in the north corner of chamber A at floor-level. It is made from a tabular pebble, and its shape has doubtless been determined by the size of the pebble. None the less it resembles the polished knives from Scottish chambered cairns (Unstan, Camster round, Ormiegill, and Tormore) more closely than the discoidal ones attributed by Dr Clark to the Peterborough-Beaker phase in England.

Axes were not made of flint, but of fine-grained polished stones. Three specimens were collected – one unstratified, one from chamber A above the paving against the west wall between the door and the right-hand bed, and the third near the hearth of chamber E. The latter, dated to Rinyo I, was broken. It is made of finely grained sandstone or sandy flag, probably local. Part of the rounded butt-end of a hammer-axe or mace-head of volcanic stone turned up before excavation started in the doorway of chamber G. Rough club-like implements of slate or sandstone were found, but few are typical. Attention may be drawn to peg-like pieces of finely laminated sandstone found below the floor of D (Pl. XXIII, C, 1, below), a fragment with a hole hammered out in it found high up in the infilling outside the east wall of chamber A.

Stone balls were represented by two specimens, both from D. Though their surfaces have been carefully rounded and smoothed, they are less symmetrical than the comparable objects from Skara Brae. Both seem to be made from camptonite.

Mortars and Paint-Pots. – A small stone mortar with a perfectly circular basin, some 11 cm. In diameter hollowed out in a roughly cubical block of sandstone, Pl. XXIII, B, was discovered just north of the slabs behind He between the slab and the shallow wall-stump. It may therefore belong either to chamber 0 or to D. An unfinished paint-pot, hammered out in an irregular block of sandstone, was included in the infilling of the pier between slab ‘m’ and the bed-recess of chamber D.

Pot-Lids. – Roughly chipped discs of slatey stone of all sizes were very common all over the site. The largest, 56 cm. (22 inches) in diameter, constituted the original floor of the north recess in chamber D, and other large discs were included among the paving slabs of the same chamber. It may be doubted whether they ever served to cover pots. On the other hand, the name is surely justified in the case of the little disc, 17 to 18-5 cm. across, lying beside the hole in He which may well have served to cover a pot that had stood in the hole. In connection with the discs we ought to mention the excellent squaring of the “slates” that form the sides of the tanks-and post-holes.

A pebble, 3 cm. long and 3 cm. wide, with both ends rubbed smooth by use as a burnisher, was found in the passage between chambers A and F at the level of the slab paving of Rinyo II (Pl. XXIII, O, 2).

Pieces of pumice-stone, grooved presumably by use for sharpening bone points, were found in great numbers at all levels. They resemble the grooved pumice-stones from Jarlshof, and may be taken as proof of the extensive use of bone pins and awls which the soil of Rinyo has consumed (see P1. XXIII, C, 3).

Lumps of polished and striated haematite were found in chambers A and D, and chips from such also beneath the floors in a deposit of Period I.

Over the area of chamber D, but chiefly in superficial layers where disturbance is possible, we collected some small lumps of slag-like material. A specimen was sent to Dr C. H. Desch of the National Physical Laboratories, who kindly reports as follows:- ‘The material is certainly not a metallurgical slag. It consists of fine grains of sand cemented together by a small quantity of clay. The amount of iron is very small indeed and there is a trace of manganese; there is no copper or nickel.’

The fuel normally burned at Rinyo, as at Skara Brae, was peat, yielding vast quantities of reddish ash. But small pieces of charcoal – twigs rather than branches – of alder wood were found in the hearth of chamber A. Charcoal of the same wood and also of birch was ‘found in clay under chamber D. In damp clay under the floor of that chamber we recovered some bladders of seaweed, identified by Mr M. Y. Orr of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Edinburgh, as Ascophyllum nodosum.

Economy and Data. – The foregoing summary will suffice to disclose the remarkably accurate agreement of the relics, as well as the architecture of Rinyo, with those of Skara Brae. The much more extensive use of flint and the employment of pumice must be attributed to local circumstances due to geological conditions and ocean currents. Hence in estimating the economic status of the community established at Rinyo the evidence from Skara Brae can safely be used to supplement the data collected so far at the new site. Stock-breeding must have provided the basis of life, and milk, beef (or rather veal), and mutton were doubtless the staple foods. Hunting weapons and fishing tackle are conspicuously absent. The inland location of the site further emphasises the insignificance of fishing as an economic activity. Still, at least two pieces of stag’s antlers were recovered as well as a good deal of whalebone. The latter might, however, have been obtained from stranded whales, and even the antlers may have been dropped.

For agriculture Rinyo produced even less evidence than Skara Brae. Indeed the absence of any trace of sickle gloss from such a large sample of flint blades taken in conjunction with the lack of saddle querns must be admitted as valid evidence against the practice of agriculture by these pastoralists. Yet despite their pastoralism they were strictly sedentary, remaining at the same sheltered centre in their pasture continuously for a longer period than has so far been attested by accumulated deposits for any other groups in Britain before the Iron Age.

Judging by the very numerous scrapers and the bone points which must have been sharpened on our grooved pumice-stones, skins served as garments. No relic suggestive of a textile industry has been recovered. The community was Neolithic, not only in the formal sense that polished stone axes were made and used, but also economically inasmuch as the group was self-sufficing. Rinyo was not, however, entirely cut off from contact with other groups inasmuch as a Beaker found its way thither.

The Beaker gives us the possibility of assigning a relative date to the culture represented at Rinyo and Skara Brae. However late the degenerate Beaker may be absolutely, its presence means that the latest phase of occupation at Rinyo falls within the Beaker period in North Scotland though, it need hardly be added, the Beaker period here need not, and probably does not, coincide with the same period in southern England. The polished flint knife and the hammer-butt point vaguely to the same conclusion, since both types in England belong more or less to the Beaker phase. But in Scotland they are included in the furniture of collective tombs, the foundations of which go back to pre-Beaker times.

At Rinyo the Beaker and the polished knife were attributable to the latest occupation of chamber A. The older phases, represented in chamber D and below it, can be termed “pro-Beaker” as long as the vase shown here remains the first and only Beaker from Orkney. Thus, if Beakers mark the beginning of the Bronze Age, our Phase I can be termed Neolithic from the standpoint of relative chronology. Still this term must not be taken as implying anything about the relation, chronological or otherwise, of Rinyo and Skara Brae to the chambered cairns.

There is a round stalled cairn less than a quarter of a mile north of Rinyo on the brae above it and a long cairn of the same type in the valley close to Bigland Farm. But no Windmill Hill nor Unstan pottery nor leaf-shaped arrow-heads typical of the grave goods from chambered cairns have yet been found at Rinyo nor at Skara Brae. Nor has any chambered cairn, save Quoyness on Sanday, been found furnished with pottery or other unmistakable relics of the kind found in our villages. The re-used arrow-head from the drain of chamber D indeed implies that the chamber was occupied after at least one “Neolithic” weapon had been made and lost on Rousay. But to define the foundation of the site more closely we must turn to southern England.

In 1936 Stuart Piggott very acutely recognised the connection between Skara Brae pottery and the Grooved Ware of East Anglia he was engaged in defining. Our excavations have confirmed his thesis by producing further parallels to East Anglian shapes and motives. Now in southern England Grooved Ware is associated more or less with Beaker and Peterborough wares. In Essex in particular it occurs on an old land surface from which Windmill Hill and Peterborough pottery and sherds of B, but not of A, Beakers have been collected too. It is inferred that this tract was submerged after the advent of B Beaker folk, but before A Beaker folk reached Essex. Hence, without postulating a migration of herdsmen from East Anglia to Orkney, it remains unlikely that Rinyo or Skara Brae was founded before the first Beaker folk reached England. On a short chronology, placing that event about 1800 B.C., the occupation of our site might be placed somewhere in the four centuries preceding 1400 B.C. But even that date must be accepted only with extreme reserve until more connected remains be discovered to fill the many centuries preceding the beginning of the local Iron Age with the broch culture, hardly earlier than 200 B.C. and quite possibly later. Perhaps the Skara Brae-Rinyo culture or its descendants will turn out to be the dominant element in that period. Survivals of the ceramic tradition, represented by the thin plain vases from Rinyo Phase II, may be expected even in “the Early Iron Age” pottery of Orkney.

In conclusion we wish again to express our appreciation of the work of Messrs Flett, Sutherland, and Yorston in uncovering the structures and rescuing the relics. During part of the season Messrs R. B. K. Stevenson and R. Milne assisted in supervising operations and restoring vases. The excellent plans are due to the expert and sympathetic labours of Mr David Wilson. To Dr C. H. Desch, F.R.S., Mr M. Y. Orr, and Mr G. V. Wilson, we are indebted for the solution of technical questions.

Proceedings of The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
Volume 73 (1938-39)

A Stone-Age settlement at the Braes of Rinyo, Rousay, Orkney.
(First Report.) (pp 6-31) Childe, V Gordon, & Grant, Walter G.

Available for viewing at Orkney Library & Archive
ref: 941 – periodical section

Categories
In Print

Poem & 3 Stories



ROUSAY

As constant traffic smooths the way,
So thoughts recurring day by day
For us long gone joys recast
And pluck the thorns from the past.

So dearer grows “Lang Syne” for me –
You gladden every memory.
Well I remember all thy charms –
The laird’s big house, the cheerful farms;

Gay festal board or humbler fare,
Each guest was ever welcome there.
No politics or worldly strife
Clouded the sunshine of your life;

Each morn brought with the rising sun
The daily task so gladly done.
Ah! how the bairnies loved to play
With father in the fields all day,

Returning home in huge delight,
And boastful tell of all their might –
How father let them “Auld Dick” ride
Whilst he walked, watchful, by their side:

You good old horse, how well you knew
What confidence we placed in you.
Then at tea-time, what news to tell –
Which lamb was ill, what calf was well;

How this or that quey milked to-day;
How many eggs the hens would lay:
With care they’d pay the grocer’s bill
And leave enough for home use still.

Next, while the gude-wife clears away,
Does the last milking for the day,
The husband, fishing by the shore,
Adds cuithes and sillocks to his store.

Ah! how the nights are then beguiled
By dances, games, or gossip mild;
Thus every day is made complete
With honest toil and joy discreet.

Nor should I here forget to state
How sport returns at each fixed date –
The peat-cut and the home-brewed ale,
With dinner taken in the vale;

Your “muckle supper” and the ball
The farmer gives in rustic hall;
The famed prize, the “bannock cake,”
For him whose luck it be to take

The last cartload of oats inside;
Then if he fail his prize divide,
With what wild fun he’s captive made,
The victim of a harmless raid;

It’s well if in escaping he
Hath no clothes seized as penalty.
Great the good-humoured rivalry
Betwixt your neighb’ring friends and thee,

Who first shall have their harvest in,
When he who has the luck to win
May mark his victory in the race
By that old emblem of disgrace,

The dog of straw placed in the night
Astride the roof to catch the sight
Of all who pass, that they may see,
And, knowing, laugh in cheerful glee.

Even your weddings are sublime
And give amusement for all time;
The bride’s own friends must duly meet
To wash that blushing lady’s feet.

Oh! there’s a fun in all you do;
Ah! ever to such ways be true,
And ne’er to modern customs bend,
Preserve your own unto the end,

Honest, noble, generous, kind,
And to all evil ever blind;
Minds uncorrupted, pure, and true –
Would that the world held more like you!

E’er to my mind you will appear
In peaceful dreams from year to year;
For the contentment you reveal,
A happier man myself I feel.

Though times were hard and profits small,
With hopeful hearts you faced it all;
In my most earnest heart I pray
You yet may have a richer day.

If I your thoughts could now inspire,
I’d beg you grant one last desire,
That you would sometimes think of me,
As I will ever think of ye;

My loyalty shall never shake,
My love for Rousay, ne’er forsake;
Nothing I’d write could do you due,
Therefore, farewell; once more, adieu.

STROCHIO.

[Published in the Orkney Herald – September 5th 1900]
© British Newspaper Archive

ISLAND LIFE – FIFTY YEARS AGO

REMINISCENCES OF AN ORKNEY MANSE

The article below, written by Mary Catherine Rose, was printed in
the Orkney Herald on February 5th 1919.
© British Newspaper Archive.

[In 1861 the Sourin Free Kirk manse in Rousay was occupied by the Reverend Neil Patrick Rose and his newly married wife Mary Catherine Leslie. He was the son of farmer Alexander Rose and Elizabeth Payne, and was born at Weydale, parish of Thurso, in 1832. He studied in Aberdeen and Edinburgh Universities, enrolling in New College, Edinburgh, 1854-58. He married Mary Catherine Leslie on September 24th 1860, at the home of the bride, 10 Broughton Place, Edinburgh. She was born on 15th June 1834, in Edinburgh, the fifth oldest of eleven children of John Leslie, house proprietor, and Mary Wallace.]

It is now over fifty years since I left my home in Edinburgh to settle in Rousay, one of the Orkney Islands. My husband was minister of the Free Church. I myself had been brought up an Episcopalian.

We started from Granton early in the month of October by steamer to Stromness, in the so-called Mainland of Orkney, near the great new Naval Base at Scapa Flow. After a few days at Stromness, we proceeded on our journey by road to Evie. We left Evie in a small open boat, expecting to reach our island home in the afternoon, but owing to the stormy weather the boat could not reach the shore near our manse, and we were landed some five miles away, with no road to take us to our house. A farmer kindly offered a cart to convey us home. It was now about eight o’clock in the evening and quite dark. The cart jogged along up and down over the rough ground, and, when we reached the Manse, we found a neighbouring farmer and his wife kindly waiting to welcome us. A dinner had been ready since three o’clock in the afternoon!

Next morning, on looking out, I saw curious little grey stone buildings here and there. I asked my husband if these were the byres and stables for cows and horses. “Oh, no,” he said, “these are the cottages where the people live!” I said nothing, but thought it was a strange place I had come to reside in! That afternoon my husband suggested that we should visit some of the people in these curious dwellings. I must confess I wondered how we would get in at the doors of the cottages; they were so low.

But the interiors were most interesting; and it turned out that while my husband was right in saying that the people lived in these houses, I had also been right in thinking that they sheltered the animals as well. There was only an earthen floor with a flagstone on the ground in the centre, and another large stone put up as a back. This was the fireplace of the apartment, with a hole in the roof to let out the smoke. The cow lived at the other end of the cottage, and I remember that during our visit that afternoon to one of the houses she gave forth loud groans.

The island is about 14 miles round, being five miles long by four miles broad. It is fertile, and rises to a height of about 400 feet. There were three churches in it in my time, and the population numbered about a thousand people. It had two shops, but no doctor. It is the best island for grouse shooting in the Orkneys, and there is good fishing in its six fresh-water lochs.

On Sundays the people turned out well to church. Many walked to the service, which began at midday, from the far end of the island. There was no hurry either on week days or on Sundays, and the people liked a long sermon. The Free Church people were fortunate in having a precentor who was very musical. After my arrival, he used to come to the Manse to hear our piano and our organ, there being no other instruments in the island. During the winter the choir met in the church once a week for practice. The precentor trained the choir well; they could even sing the Hallelujah Chorus. The small organ used to be carried down from the Manse to the church. It is not generally known that instrumental music was so early introduced to our island church in Orkney. We were using an organ every Sunday while the good people in the south were forbidding its use as a Popish invention! So in some ways at least we were ahead of the times, and not behind them !

The uncertainty of the post was one of the drawbacks of the island. Many times it would be a fortnight between the mails. The Manse was seven miles from the shore post office, and when it was thought that the winds and the tides and the currents would allow the boat to sail, a woman was engaged to take the letters to the boat. She left the Manse at 7 a.m., and got back at 6 p.m., having to wait for the return boat with the letters and papers from the south. For this journey on foot she was paid threepence and her tea. There were few newcomers to the island, but once a tramp succeeded in landing. He was a negro, the first specimen most of the people had ever seen, and he scared the inhabitants by wandering about the island wearing a minister’s gown. He met with no encouragement, and soon he was seen no more !

For many years there was not much progress in the island. The people were backward in regard to the cultivation of the land, etc. Then came a resident proprietor, who had a modern house built. He lived there most of the year, and things soon began to show signs of improvement. For instance, a road was made right round the island. When I first went to the island the people took no interest in flowers or vegetables. Now they win prizes at the Kirkwall Flower Shows.

M. C. R., in Oban Times.


THE POST OFFICE IN ORKNEY

230 YEARS OF MAIL CARRYING

“Orkney Mails” is the title of an exceedingly interesting article in the January number of “The Post Office Magazine.” The author is Mr Alex. Cameron, Head Postmaster at Kirkwall, who reviews the mail service in Orkney for the past 230 years. Transport pictures in the article range from the bullock cart of the old days to the modern mail ‘plane discharging at Kirkwall. Other pictures show the Shapinsay mail steamer s.s. lona under full steam and the South Isles mail steamer Hoy Head lying off Hoy Jetty while horse carts in the ebb are transferring goods from the mail steamer’s small boat.

The article is as follows: –

On most maps of Scotland the Orkneys are shown inset in the Moray Firth, but their position is almost 100 miles in a straight line north of that, and considerably more by the usual means of communication. They lie to the north of Caithness, separated from the Mainland by the Pentland Firth. Prior to the advent of steam there have been as many as twenty days without a mail crossing, and even the present mail steamer St Ola has failed on as many as five consecutive days to cross this turbulent stretch of water. When Captain Swanson will not cross with the St Ola, then you can rest assured that it is really “rough.”

When the first attempt in 1709 was made to establish a Post Office in Kirkwall the salary of the Postmaster was to be £5 a year, and the total cost each year for conveying the mail between Kirkwall and Wick via the islands of Burray and South Ronaldshay was to be £26.

In December of the same year the Town Council wished their Commissioner “to do all in his power to have a Post Office established in this toun upon the publict charges of the Government.” Their Commissioner was apparently not successful, for in 1714, when the Town Council wished to forward a Commission to the Convention of Royal Burghs and a letter to the Provost of Edinburgh, the Treasurer was instructed “to hire a post to go to Edinburgh.” The Treasurer was to “pay to the said Post twelve pounds Scots being the half of his wages with half-a-crown to buy shoes ere he goe of and other twelve pounds att his return.”

Long Lane to Edinboro’.

In 1713 it took a letter 8 days to reach Kirkwall from Edinburgh by the quickest route and sometimes 14 days “even when it was sent with despatch.” This proved awkward on at least two occasions when owing to the delay Kirkwall lost its vote in the return of a Member to Parliament. (Kirkwall was included with Dingwall, Tain, Dornoch, and Wick in what were termed the Northern Burghs).

Success ultimately must have been achieved, though they were rather unfortunate in their choice of one Postmaster, for it is recanted that in 1797 “Thomas Urqhart, Postmaster in the toun of Kirkwall and County of Orkney indicted at the instance of His Majesty’s Advocate of the crimes of Theft from the Post Office had falsehood and forgery,” was found guilty and sentenced to death. The sentence was duly carried out.

One hundred years ago the mail for the South was despatched from Kirkwall on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, by a foot post to Holm, a distance of six miles, where a boat with four men crossed this island to Water Sound whence by another boat with two men it was taken to South Ronaldshay. Through this island it was conveyed to the south end where yet another boat with four men took it over the Pentland Filth. Half-way across the Firth it was met by a boat from the South side. The mails and passengers, if any, were transferred in mid-channel and each boat turned on its homeward journey.

After sailing packets had been utilised a steamer service between Stromness, Kirkwall (Scapa) and Thurso (Scrabster) was introduced round about 1876, and in 1892 the present mail steamer St Ola, under Captain McBain, began her long period of service.

Era of the Air Mail

On Tuesday, 29th May, 1934, the first British inland air mail service was inaugurated between Inverness and Kirkwall, and since that date all first-class postal matter from the South for Orkney has been carried by plane without extra charge; a letter posted in London at 6.15 p.m. is delivered shortly after mid-day on the following day in Kirkwall.

It is interesting to note that the driver of Orkney’s first Post Office van to carry ail mails was Mr J. Barnett, a great-grandson of the first mail carrier ever employed in the Orkney Islands by the Postmaster General. The great-grandfather, Mr James Barnett, used to carry the entire Orkney South mail in one sack on his back along the route quoted above.

Kirkwall is the distributing centre for the Mainland and the North Isles, and the services are maintained by official van, steam, motor, and rowing boats. The mails for Rousay are conveyed by van to Evie, thence by motor boat to Rousay across a channel rendered dangerous by tides and which in 1893 was the scene of an accident when, owing to stormy weather, the mail boat capsized, two boat-men and four passengers losing their lives. An entry in the Head Office diary dated October 12, 1893, has a reference to the accident, and reads: “The Kirkwall to Rousay bag was washed ashore to-day. Newspapers loose in bag all in pulp. Letters tied in a bundle except outside letters were entire, ends slightly chafed. Letters duly delivered.”

The larger North Isles are served by steamer, which sails from Kirkwall four days a week in summer and three days a week in winter. North Ronaldshay, the most northerly island of the group, receives its mail via Sanday. It is conveyed across that island to Lady Shore whence a motor boat makes the crossing, and it says much for the courage and skill of the boatmen that their failures are so few.

The Isles

In common with all the channels between the islands there are always strong currents, and it is not often calm. One inland – Shapinsay – has a mail steamer all to itself with sailings so arranged that each day’s mail arriving by air is delivered in the island the same afternoon. The island of Copinsay, which has one lighthouse, one farm, and one school, receives its mail once a week by rowing boat, but receipt is governed largely by weather conditions. The mails for the South Isles are distributed from Stromness, whence they are conveyed by the steamer Hoy Head giving a four days a week service throughout the year. With the exception of Longhope (on the island of Hoy) where there is a proper pier, the mails for all the other calling places are taken by the steamer’s boat (which uses a sail and in addition to mails is generally well loaded with the merchandise required by the islanders) to the shore, where the Post Office takes charge. The place of call at Flotta depends entirely on weather conditions as to which of three landing places is used.

Then, are between 20 and 30 inhabited islands in the group, and on 16 of these there are Post Offices (46 in all). To visit each of these offices even once annually takes up rather more of one’s time than may be necessary to visit a similar number of offices on the south side of the Pentland Firth as so many of these visits necessitate overnight absences. The route generally followed is that taken by the mails, and the Department, recognising the prevailing weather conditions, have very thoughtfully provided the Head Postmaster with an oilskin coat and hat. It is often required.

The Surprise Visit

Almost every kind of transport is used except a railway train – steam, motor, sailing, and rowing boats; motor buses, motor cars and carts; and even the “flapper bracket” of a motor cycle, but the last is not recommended. On a recent visit to North Ronaldshay for survey and check of accounts the journey was made by aeroplane – time taken 30 minutes. (A direct steamer from Kirkwall takes three to four hours for this journey). On this occasion the element of surprise was undoubtedly maintained!


Extracted from the Orkney Herald, January 18th 1939.
© British Newspaper Archive

A GLIMPSE OF ROUSAY

Slowly the boat backed out from Evie Pier, as if unwilling to break the peace of that lovely day. Then around with a sweeping curve, and we were on our way to Rousay, with its romantic hills and valleys. Overhead the sun blazed out from a cloudless sky, and as we crossed Aikerness Bay I could see the sand gleaming white through sparkling, fresh waters. All around was basking in Mediterranean sunshine, while a soft cool of wind came stealing from the west. The run across did not take more than a quarter of an hour, and with high hopes for a good day I left the boat at Hullion Pier.

On reaching the main road I put on my clips, and readjusting my lunch bag on my back, set out to explore the island. Rousay is encircled by a road, the road that never begins or ends. The road leads one through varying pictures of scenic beauty, by the seashore and over heather-clad braes. Fisher’s crofts stand by its side and cattle browse over the bounding dykes, and nowhere does it lead one out of the beautiful peace of a prosperous and contented countryside. Here indeed may be found that rural prosperity which Goldsmith so pathetically describes in his “Deserted Village.” Along the road I set out, and soon was gifted with a lovely view of Rendall’s shores, with Gairsay nearer at hand. The picture, with Wyre in the foreground, held one spellbound with the peculiar fascination of islands. The intervening sea was a study in colour for any artist.

Trumland Village

I pedalled on, and soon reached the village of Trumland. Here stands one of Orkney’s finest examples of domestic architecture, Trumland House. It looks down on a village which reminds one of fairy tales in its studied neatness. A few houses, a pier, a grocer shop, and joiner shop form the nucleus of Rousay’s social life. Once past Trumland Village the scene embodies more of the spirit of solitude. A few scattered cottages lie along the roadside, while the heather looks blacker and more untamed. One cannot say that this part of Rousay is not beautiful, however. On the contrary, that every sense of loneliness seems to impart a charm which is beauty in itself. The quiet road, the sweeping bays and the neat crofts carry with them a sense of lovely dignity which finds its zenith in the rugged, brown hills.

And then, around at the back of the island is the loveliest district of all. Wild and beautiful, its most striking characteristic is its natural touch. Here the hand of man has never hewn with devastating axe the beauties of Nature. Rather has he added to them, thus making the country, if possible, more beautiful. By the time I had reached here my watch pointed to five o’clock in the afternoon, and my appetite pointed to that bag on my back. It had been one o’clock when I had set out, and ten miles on the Rousay road will whet anyone’s appetite even although they are given four hours to cover them. Accordingly I halted and, seated at the side of the road, I regaled myself with a few sandwiches and milk.

Rousay’s Happy Medium

Sitting there smoking my after-meal cigarette, I thought that here, if anywhere, was a land of peace and plenty. The countryside bore every trace of being well farmed, and at no house could be seen any of those terrible signs seen elsewhere, denoting poverty and bad management among the farmers. That day I had seen flourishing crops and well-fed cattle; I might almost say I had been in a land flowing with milk and honey. What is the reason for this obvious prosperity of Rousay? The answer seems to lie in the fact that the farms are only enough to keep one family comfortably. Certainly there are big farms in Rousay, but the majority can be worked on the family principle. This method makes all more or less comparatively well off. I do not mean that the Rousay crofter is a rich man, but he is nevertheless a man in a secure position. Rousay seems to have struck its happy medium of giving all enough, but none too much.

I got up and slowly made my way along until finally I was coming back again to the mainland side of the island. Here, in the northern end of the island is a district bereft of humanity and left to the ravages of the wild north wind. Coming round towards Westness we pass land which was one occupied by fishers’ crofts. Here, where now is only barren waste, there once lived a happy and contented little community which has now gone forever. What a page in Orkney’s internal history has been left unwritten!

In a short time I was back again at my starting point. I had seen one of Orkney’s most prosperous and most beautiful of islands, and I came away with mixed feelings. I will not here try to analyse these feelings, but I may mention that it is my opinion that the world needs to copy Rousay in its industry and at the same time in its preservation of the natural beauties of the country. P.


Extracted from the Orkney Herald, March 29th 1939
© British Newspaper Archive

Categories
In Print

Eynhallow ~ A Memory

Eynhallow has some strange beckoning power in that green face of springy turf, even to the most unromantic mind. Around its shores, the restless, heaving sea forever rolls, and to the north-west it looks out upon the vast, endless unbroken ocean. Small wonder that here first came the Culdee monks when on their great mission, and who can blame the simple sons of the sea for having created around it a web of mystery and inspiration. Here seems to rest the very spirit of Orkney’s Norse glory.

There lives in my memory a summer night of long ago, spent around its shores in the boat of two friends who were tending their creels. That was before the days when the Orkney fishermen had a motor in his boat; then a night spent in the open was no more to him than sleeping in bed at home. At that time Orkney lived on the sea and made ends meet by a little help from the land and the sea-shore. I can still see, in memory’s eye, those two lusty sons of the sea pulling their yawl to the grounds while the breathless night was beginning to brood on land and sea. I should not say night, because there was very little of that in the usual sense of the word, but the quietness, broken only by the steady rhythm of the oars and the swish of water under the boat’s prows, combined with that multi-coloured setting sun in the north-west to produce an effect equal to the fastness of the deepest sleep. Nature was going to rest. Not a breath stirred the surface of the sea as it glided outwards in the ebbing tide like some phantom ghost until it had its usual revel in Burgar Roost.

At last we neared Eynhallow, and, with skilful hands, the fishermen guided their small craft between its rocks on the one hand and Burgar Roost on the other. In a short time we were up with the first lot of crabs in a small bay almost at the headland on the north-west corner of the island, known as the Spur. There at varying distances from the main current of the tide I could see the bobbing corks and tarred ropes which betrayed the position of the creels. One of the men left the oars, and, having put on his oilskins to protect him from the dripping lines, took up his position in the stern of the boat and waited until his comrade brought her alongside the first buoy rope. Up and up, with strong arms he pulled that creel to the surface, bringing in it, a lovely lobster. “Ah! my bonnie boy, right gled are we tae see ye. May mair o’ yer kind come along this sam’ night.” Thus it was welcomed by his captor into the boat. And then the fisherman lapsed into silence – his innate silence produced by his continual contact with the big things of life, the earth, air, sea, and sky and Nature in her every mood.

After a short time the creels at that point had all been hauled and baited, and, noiselessly, the fishermen resumed their positions at the oars and began to pull to the north side of Eynhallow. Here the bold cliffs and deep caverns ring with the sound of lashing foam on a rough day. Beneath these black, austere masses of rocks, the sea lay as calm and peaceful as if it feared to break the silence of Nature. In a cave here, known as the Twenty Man Hole, the men of the surrounding districts used to find shelter from the ruthless raids of the press-gang whenever news of a raid was voiced abroad.

With few remarks the fishermen rounded their creels and pulled on around the Bowcheek, a dangerous headland when any sea is running, into Eynhallow’s only bay of importance, Ramnageo. Here is one of the most lovely bays in Orkney. The land terminates, here in cliffs, there in lovely round stones of all colours and sizes, while the water around is as clear as shining crystals. On the bottom one can see the long seaweed bending to the ever restless tide like willows in the wind. Many a good catch of lobsters has been won in this quiet haven, and it is still one of the best places for lobsters around the island.

In this quiet haven we lay for about two hours. The fishermen were only going to haul their creels twice that night, and consequently wished to give them a good long stand as they called it. Lying there in the stillness of the wide open spaces, a strange feeling came over me. What it was I cannot say, but there appeared to be some new element creeping into my soul, the call of the sea and the wide open spaces of those charming isles was singing its lovely notes in my ears, and who of Orkney blood can afford to forget that call that comes to every one of us in these wind-swept islands?

There was the moon casting its golden shades from behind a heather-clad hill in Rousay out upon Eynhallow and the ocean beyond. As I looked at that golden thread of light upon the glistening water, I realised that the Orcadian lobster fisher, poor though he may be, experiences incidents and sees Nature consummate in such a manner as to repay him for all his troubles. These alone keep him forever tied to his homely croft, his boat and fishing gear, and above all to the restless, roaming, heaving sea.

[The powerful Cutlar, or Whal’s, roost between Midhowe, Rousay, and Eynhallow.
For a sense of perspective see the soaring whitemaa, lower right.]

In scenes such as these has our race kindled that spirit which has made it predominant in many walks of life. These scenes have aroused poets to tune their songs, and in days gone by they captivated the roaming Norseman and induced him to apply his energies no longer to war but to the simple arts of peace.     –     P.



Extracted from the Orkney Herald, December 21st 1938

© British Newspaper Archive

Categories
In Print

Bill Flaws’ Allan Oil Engine


William Craigie Flaws farmed the surrounding land at Hammerfield in Wasbister all his working life. Ploughing was done using a grey Fergie, and Ron Spence, Banchory, who used to spend summer holidays in the early 1950s with Bill and wife Mabel, his uncle and aunt, remembers a threshing machine being powered from the back of the tractor via a pulley and belt. Prior to that Bill’s corn box thresher and rollermill were powered by an Allan 3.5 hp 15 cwt lampstart oil engine, which was built in Aberdeen in 1916.

The photos above show Bill building stacks at Hammerfield in the late 1950s – on his grey Fergie at Sunnybraes, and to the right with wife Mabel and dog Spot in 1974.

Bill was 78 years old when he passed away in 1981. Mabel decided to sell up, lock stock and barrel, leaving Rousay for sheltered accommodation at Lambaness, Kirkwall. Cumbria man Arnold Sayer has been interested in vintage engines all his life, and when he heard Bill’s Allan engine was for sale he leapt at the chance of buying it. He travelled to Rousay in November 1982, and with the assistance of Alistair Marwick, Innister, transported the engine to Rousay pier, onto the weekly steamer to Kirkwall – and onwards south.

The engine was in very bad condition when it left the island due to the roof of the old barn in which it was housed being in bad repair, but after a lot of work Arnold managed to get it running again a couple of years later.

The story of Arnold’s trip north and the engine’s renovation featured in an article in Stationary Engine Magazine in 1983. The engine was also used as a prop in a television programme in 1987, and the story of that also featured in the same magazine. Recently Arnold decided to sell the engine, and it passed into the capable hands of enthusiast George Brown, of Coldstream, Berwickshire, who fully intends taking it to rallys and vintage shows in the near future.

George saw the Hammerfield page, and also Ron Spence’s ‘Hammerfield Memories’ on Rousay Remembered. He got in touch, offering the magazine articles and an array of photographs for use on the website – which I am so grateful to him for doing so, for it is such an interesting story.


DESTINATION – THE ORKNEY ISLES

Words – Brian Bowers: Motivation – Arnold Sayer: Photographs – John Harrison

An articulated wagon had jack-knifed on the black ice and blocked the main road – so John and I were travelling along narrow back lanes on an icy Sunday morning in mid November. We were on our way to Arnold’s, who must be crazy, because he intended taking his car and trailer and us to pick up an engine – in the Orkneys somewhere!

Further north the ice changed to rain, then sleet and finally snow which was three or four inches deep near Lanark. Luckily by the time we passed Glasgow the day changed – sunshine though still cold with not a trace of the white stuff. At Pitlochry all the fluid ran out of the car’s suspension at one side. Arnold got quite a bit down his neck as he crawled underneath to wedge a lump of fence post under the rear wheel mountings. Although the car was a little lop-sided it didn’t seem to slow Arnold down very much; his theory was that at 60 m.p.h. the mud flaps didn’t scrape along the road, (we cut them off with a hack-saw later).

We had reached Thurso about 9 o’clock and after a comfortable night went to the ferry terminal at Scrabster on a very cold, bright and breezy morning. By the time we had bought tickets (expensive), loaded up and sailed it was early afternoon and quite wet and windy. Arnold had never been afloat before and after taking his Quells, sat inside with his eyes shut, not daring to move. John was outside – up at the sharp end trying to photograph white water coming over the bows – by this time it was quite rough. I was beginning to feel rather pale myself when the boat turned the corner into Hoy sound and the waves became a lot flatter. With the oncoming dusk and the driving rain John was unable to photograph the ‘Old Man of Hoy’. I couldn’t even see it.

It was quite dark and pouring with rain when we landed at Stromness and after we had found somewhere to eat and walked about the narrow paved (wall to wall) streets of tall houses looking for accommodation we were all damp and cold. During a freezing night – we put our clothes on over our pyjamas – spent at the very top of an old house, listening to the wind and hail on the skylights, we were surprised, next morning, to see the sea only a few yards away on looking out of the window.

Tuesday – travelled across Mainland – which is the biggest island of Orkney, in bright sunlight interspersed with wickedly cold hail showers. Numerous small crofts, each with a few buildings, clusters of small conical oat-stacks and a few sheep. On the better land the grass was surprisingly green. Trees only grow in the shelter of houses.

At Tingwall jetty only 3 ducks were in evidence – it was far too stormy for Mansie Flaws, the ferry-man, to take us to Rousay. Nearby John discovered a smithy and joiners shop, both abandoned but full of gear and tools.

We cruised around noticing a defunct Lister L and a small horizontal Crossley – minus cylinder head. There seemed to be quite a lot of obsolete machinery behind every croft. Arnold phoned the ferryman whenever we passed a phone box but the answer was always the same ‘Its no weather for boats’.

We couldn’t find anywhere to stay in Kirkwall but eventually located a very superior farmhouse for B and B, a couple of miles away, after wandering about a dark and deserted countryside. Spotted a single cylinder Turner diesel outside one place where we stopped to ask the way. Electric blankets and radiators in the bedroom-luxury!

On Wednesday a white world greeted us when looking out. It was bright and windy with the odd snow showers. We’d had a grand ‘crack’ with the farmer the previous night – discussing sheep prices etc. (John and I are farmers) and finally got down to engines. He showed us an old blow-lamp, which Arnold was sure had come from a Campbell engine (made in Halifax) and promised to let us see it.

His son accompanied us and in an old barn, which the farmer had just acquired, was a single fly wheel, lamp-start Campbell – complete and free and in fair condition. There was a rivetted patch on the water jacket and horizontal fly ball governors. It was 5½ feet long and maybe 5 or 6 h.p.

We also visited a local scrap tip to see a big Blackstone portable about 20-25 h.p. which had been working until a few years ago driving a stone crusher in a local quarry. All the brass bearings etc. were missing.

Returning to Tingwall jetty Arnold rang Mansie yet again and the message was “maybe I’ll come after dinner if the wind gets no worse”.

The ferry waits by the deserted quayside.
Some scrapyards still hold interesting machinery.

Just after 2 o’clock things really started moving. Arnold, who had been walking up and down impatiently – a bit like King Canute – or was it Napoleon?, gazing at the island of Rousay which was only about three quarters of a mile away, spotted Mansie’ s boat battling through the waves towards us. Quite a lot of his confidence evaporated when he saw how small it was and heard that we couldn’t take the car and trailer over; they were to have been loaded onto a flat bottomed barge and towed behind the ferryboat.

Despite vicious hail squalls we embarked and ‘corkscrewed’ over to Rousay. It only took half an hour and Arnold was too busy hanging on to feel sick.

Deposited on the shore of our freezing deserted island as heavy rain and darkness fell we were rescued by an inquisitive native who kindly offered us a lift to the pub in return for news of what we were up to. The landlord made us very welcome, despite the wreckers bar strapped to John’s case and the large adjustable spanner sticking out of my hold-all; these were the only tools we could carry.

After a bite to eat he fixed us up with a car. As there is only 12 miles of road on Rousay no car has a tax disc or M.O.T. you can imagine the state of most vehicles. The ferryman always rings up whenever he is bringing a policeman over to the island.

Finally arriving at our destination we introduced ourselves at the cottage before squelching round the back of a tumbledown barn to inspect our quarry by torchlight.

It was an Allen engine – but in terrible state. The parts of the roof that weren’t missing had been leaking for years and the whole engine was covered with thick green mould. The two steel pulleys, one on either side of the twin fly wheels (had it been used as a lay-shaft?), were absolutely rusted through; I could pull bits off quite easily. And a lot was missing! Frantic searching revealed the piston and con-rod on an old workbench and the sideshaft, complete with fly ball governors and valve rocker arms underneath it. We also uncovered the heat shield and the blowlamp. Concentrated excavation produced both bronze big end bearings and 2 bolts, a piston ring and sundry bits and pieces which looked as though they might belong. Only the hot bulb was missing.

Whilst Arnold negotiated with the elderly owner and a neighbouring crofter, John and I attacked the brute with all our available tools – both of them! We found a big iron bar and a hacksaw which was nearly as old and as blunt as the engine. It took a long and uncomfortable time to cut through and twist off the exhaust and water pipes. The nuts holding the engine bed down came off surprisingly easily but as a fillet of cement had been run around the base after the engine had been bolted down we still couldn’t shift it. At last we managed to get the big iron bar under a corner of the engine base and lever the whole thing loose.

By the time John and I had done all the hard work Arnold arrived back with Alistair, a tractor with a loader and another tractor pulling a trailer.

Further demolishing the decrepit end of the engine house the four of us quickly dragged the Allen outside and loaded it on to the trailer. Our friend promised to deliver it to the quayside, about 4 miles distant, in time to catch the 9 o’clock steamer.

Loading all the ancillary bits of the Allen into the car boot we drove to another farm, got another farmer out of his house, and loaded a Lister 3 h.p., a Wolseley 1½ and 3 old car engines onto another trailer and took this down to the quayside.

Crawling back to the pub well after midnight we snatched a few hours sleep, and had a hurried breakfast before returning and trying, unsuccessfully, to find the missing hot bulb. Then down to the quay-side to supervise loading in the cold and wet again. All the locals kept telling us about the engines they used to own and had disposed of by chucking over the nearest cliff.

Arnold returned via the small ferry while John and I stayed on the weekly steamer with the engines. We enjoyed a leisurely trip, calling at three small island jetties and watching sheep, and coal and allsorts being loaded and unloaded. Arnold’ s trip was shorter and a lot wetter – he also was chased by 3 very angry geese. Upon reuniting at Kirkwall we carefully overloaded our trailer and returning to Stromness, found some warmer ‘digs’.

The trailer wasn’t really big enough – better that way than empty!
Loading at the quayside

Friday started stormily and got steadily worse. Departure time for the car ferry was postponed to 9 then 10 then 12 o’clock and finally abandoned. We sat in the car in the rain, with the engine running and the heater on, thinking up excuses to placate our wives. We all HAVE to be home by Saturday. We spent most of Friday browsing round a second-hand book shop and discovered a pile of old farming journals – the ‘Scottish Farmer’ and the ‘North British Agriculturalist’, dated 1890 to 1920. Several engines were advertised and those pictured included Annan, Blackstone, Crossley, Tangye, Powell, Detroit, Campbell and verticals Fairbanks-Morse, Lister, Victoria and Keighley Imperial. I have one of the last mentioned. Arnold bought several lighting plant and electrical manuals as well.

On Saturday we were up at 6 – embarked at 7 and sailed away into a sunlit dawn at 8 o’clock. A very pleasant crossing through Scapa Flow where we saw some porpoises (or dolphins)? Arnold is an experienced sailor now and stayed on deck with us.

We all enjoyed our visit to Orkney and would like to return – in summer. Although we didn’t travel many miles on the island we used a fair drop of petrol (at nearly £2 per gallon) just to keep warm. Driving off the ferry at Scrabster we burst a tyre but that didn’t delay us for long – could we be home by night? But 30 miles on the clutch packed up, fortunately next to the only phone box for miles. Frantic phoning produced a profane but extremely helpful Scots mechanic who towed us back to his garage. Although he couldn’t fix the clutch until Monday he managed to fix us up with a hired car. So after another dreary wait we were on our way again just after nightfall.

John and I got home about 5 a.m. on Sunday morning. If you are going to be late – be very late – then relief cancels out the annoyance caused. The only thing Arnold managed to bring back with him was the brass oiler, – and he faces the prospect of returning to collect his car and trailer. Would we do it again? Yes!

STATIONARY ENGINE MAGAZINE

May 1983

Readers’ Miscellania

Remember the article – DESTINATION THE ORKNEY ISLES, well Brian Bowers has a little news concerning the Allan oil engine that was the prize of that marathon expedition. …..’Our wives have agreed that the engine that took us so long to recover, needs a lot of time and effort spending on it just to make it good enough for the scrapheap! It is an Allan of Aberdeen, number 2849, circa 1916, about a 4 h.p. version with 32″ diameter flywheels. Arnold Sayer only took a couple of hours to dismantle it, and although all the studs were corroded, they just unscrewed with a pair of mole grips – they must have been assembled with grease on the threads many years ago. The substantial gudgeon pin is 1¾” diameter, and like all the bearings, a perfect fit in its brass bush. Piston diameter is 4¾”, perhaps Amanco rings will fit?

The reason for the Orkney trip! The Allan oil engine and its various parts,
except for the hot-bulb. The main casting is fairly good,
but look at the state of the steel pulleys.
Photo by John Harrison.

The exhaust pot and heat shroud are o.k. and even the blowlamp can be made to work with a Iittle time and solder.

Our biggest problem is the hot-bulb – or rather lack of one. Can anyone either, sell or lend us one, even the latter would greatly assist as we won’t be able to prove our wives wrong unless we can restore the engine to running order!

We are certain that a photograph of this engine, in running order, will appear in this magazine, but not for a while!’

GENERATING FOR GRENADA

Stationary Engine Magazine

March 1987

Arnold Sayer tells how his restored Allan oil engine came to be used in the ‘Bulman’ TV series.

[‘Bulman’ was a crime drama series, principally written and created by Murray Smith, that first broadcast on ITV on 5 June 1985. The series, featuring retired ex-cop George Bulman (Don Henderson) and his assistant Lucy McGinty (Siobhan Redmond). Produced by Granada Television, Bulman ran for two series, with the final episode broadcasting on 8 August 1987.]

It all began with a telephone call from Granada Television to Tim Holt ‘manager’ of Cumbria Steam & Vintage Vehicle Society. Granada wanted to know if anyone had an antique generating plant which could be used in a TV programme. Tim gave them my telephone number and an appointment was made for a TV representative to view my engines and dynamos.

The generating set chosen comprised a 1916 lampstart Allan driving a 1900 open wound Crompton dynamo. The plant would be used in one episode of the “Bulman” detective series, with filming taking place at Downham Hall near Clitheroe, the home of Lord Clitheroe. It would be my duty to deliver the plant to the site and set it up ready for filming, then return the following day to show the actors how to start the engine.

When the big day arrived I arose early and loaded the plant onto my trailer. In addition I threw aboard about 4cwt of equipment such as tools, jacks, crowbars and various pipes and cables. This acted as ballast and ensured that I never got above 3rd gear. I left home at 9.00am and arrived ‘on location’ at 11.30 to be met by Granada’s Alan Rutter. As the engine house was to be a large empty barn I was able to drive my car and trailer straight in, drop the ramps and unload. The plant was then jacked up and mounted on large breeze blocks. Two joiners arrived and quickly built an engine house around the plant. An old switchboard of the same era [pictured to the left] was then fixed to the wall and wired up. The special effects team were soon busy running a flexible pipe around the engine. This pipe had several small holes in it and was connected to a ‘smoke machine’ which, during the starting scene, would create enough smoke to indicate that the plant was very old and dilapidated! I produced some lengths of 2″ pipe and arranged an exhaust system which disappeared straight up into the rafters.

The engine was then started and everything checked prior to the big day.

On arrival at Downham Hall next morning I met the Director, film crew and other people involved with the filming. Then the actors arrived and I showed them how to start the Allan. I had to explain how the hot-bulb required heating with a blowlamp for ten minutes before it would start. After a short discussion it was decided not to use the blowlamp during filming as the roar of the lamp would drown any dialogue.

When the cameras eventually started rolling I had to bring the engine to the required temperature, switch off the blowlamp and nip quickly out of sight. I imagined it would be somewhat of a dicey operation because there would be a time lag while the actors spoke their lines. Any time lag would cool the hot-bulb, and I had visions of the engine refusing to start. All those expensive cameras working and twenty people involved, delays would be costly. I was worrying needlessly because the engine only failed once in fifteen starts. Bulman handled the starting handle very well and gave the impression he had been starting engines all his life.

Filming began at 11am and finished around 5pm. Although I spent about twenty hours on a project for a scene that will probably last less than a minute on the TV screen, however, I enjoyed the experience and met some interesting and competent people. The episode of “Bulman” may have appeared by the time you read this as it was destined for this winter’s series. If it hasn’t appeared, be sure to look out for it.

After years of Arnold Sayer’s meticulous renovation this is how Bill Flaws’ Allan engine
appears today. A superb craftsman for detail, you’ll see Arnold has also added
the ‘Isle of Rousay’ to its livery.

The photo above was taken in early 2019 when George Brown [on the right] travelled down to Kirkby Stephen in Cumbria to collect the engine from Arnold Sayer [second left]. Also in the picture are Neville Beaty and Charles Hamilton, who assisted George in loading the engine onto the trailer for transportation to its new home in Berwickshire.


[Again, my thanks to George Brown for sharing the story of this well-travelled engine.]